Khurram's Desk

رانا پیلس

2011-12-29T07:45:00.004+05:00

رانا پیلس

ابن صفی

ترتیب، تدوین اور حواشی: خرم علی شفیق

ناشر: فضلی سنز

دل سے دماغ و حلقہ ء عرفاں سے دار تک

ہم خود کو ڈھونڈتے ہوئے پہنچے کہاں کہاں

اَسرار ناروی

بہت ہی بھیانک قسم کے ذہنی ادوار سے گزرتا ہوا یہاں تک پہنچا ہوں۔ ورنہ میں نے بھی آفاقیت کے گیت گائے ہیں۔ عالمی بھائی چارے کی باتیں کی ہیں۔ لیکن 1947ءمیں جو کچھ ہوا اُس نے میری پوری شخصیت کو تہہ و بالا کر کے رکھ دیا

ابن صفی

پہلی بات

مرتب کی طرف سے کچھ گزارشات

آئیے کچھ دیر کے لیے فرض کر لیں کہ

پاکستان کی ہر گلی میں لائبریری قائم ہے۔ لوگوں میں مطالعے کا شوق اِتنا بڑھ گیا ہے کہ کرایہ دے کر بھی لائبریری سے کتابیں لینے پر تیار ہیں۔ بچے، بڑے، بوڑھے اور گھر کی عورتیں بھی اِس شوق میں مبتلا ہیں۔ چنانچہ ہر محلے میں بُک اسٹال کُھل گئے ہیں بلکہ جنرل اسٹور، بیکری اور کولڈ ڈرنک کی دکانوں پر بھی کچھ نہ کچھ کتابیں ضرور رکھی جاتی ہیں کیونکہ سب سے زیادہ بِکنے والی چیز ہی کتاب ہے۔

یہ شوق صرف اُن لوگوں تک محدود نہیں ہے جو پڑھ سکتے ہیں۔ جو پڑھنا نہیں جانتے وہ بھی کتابیں خریدتے ہیں۔ کسی پڑھے لکھے کے پاس لیجاتے ہیں اور فرمایش کرتے ہیں کہ وہ پڑھ کر سنا دے۔ چنانچہ آپ کسی رکشے میں بیٹھیں تو رکشہ والے کی گدی کے پیچھے اوزاروں کے علاوہ کوئی کتاب ضرور ہو گی۔ بس میں جائیے تو ڈرائیور نے ڈیش بورڈ میں ایک آدھ کتاب رکھ چھوڑی ہو گی۔ ورکشاپوں میں گریس لگی ہوئی کتابیں دیکھی جا سکتی ہیں۔ جہاں جسے موقع ملتا ہے وہ شروع ہو جاتا ہے۔

پڑھنے والے اِتنے ہیں تو لکھنے والے کیوں کم ہوں۔ شاید ہر گلی میں دو تین ایسے لوگ مل جائیں گے جو کتاب لکھے بیٹھے ہیں۔ پبلشر کی تلاش میں ہیں۔ چھوٹے چھوٹے شہروں میں بھی پبلشرز نمودار ہو گئے ہیں، بڑے شہروں کا تو پوچھنا ہی کیا۔ کتاب ایک منفعت بخش کاروبار بن گئی ہے لیکن اِس پر چند بڑے ناموں کی اِجارہ داری نہیں ہے۔ کوئی بھی شخص کتاب لکھ کر، چھاپ کر، بیچ کر یا کرایہ پر دے کر اَپنے اور گھر والوں کے لیے روزگار فراہم کر سکتا ہے۔

کیا آپ ایسا پاکستان دیکھنا چاہتے ہیں؟ کیا آپ کے خیال میں ایسا پاکستان ممکن ہے؟

ہو سکتا ہے کہ آپ پہلے سوال کا جواب اثبات میں اور دوسرے کا نفی میں دیں۔ (اکثر لوگوں نے مجھ سے یہی کہا ہے کہ وہ ایسا پاکستان دیکھنا چاہتے ہیں مگر اُن کے خیال میں یہ ممکن نہیں ہے)۔

لیکن میں نے جو نقشہ کھینچا گیا وہ ہمارا مستقبل نہیں بلکہ ماضی ہے۔ پاکستان بننے کے دس گیارہ برس بعد ہی یہ ماحول قائم ہو گیا تھا اور تقریباً ۶۸۹۱ءتک رہا۔

جو لوگ اُس وقت موجود تھے اُنہیں یاد ہو گا (اور یہ اُن کی مہربانی ہے کہ اِس کی یادیں بھی نئی نسل تک منتقل نہیں کی ہیں)۔ بدنصیبی ہے کہ جس قوم کا آغاز اِس شان کے ساتھ ہوا آج اُس کی یہ حالت ہے کہ کتابیں چھپنے، پڑھنے، بیچنے اور خریدنے کا کام تقریباً ختم ہو چکا ہے۔ کتابوں کی دکانیں صرف چند بازاروں تک محدود ہیں۔ پڑھنے والے اب بھی کتابوں پر بڑی رقومات صرف کرتے ہیں لیکن یہ شوق صرف چند لوگوں تک رہ گیا ہے۔ والدین، اساتذہ اور دردمند لوگ عموماً یہی رونا روتے دکھائی دیتے ہیں کہ معاشرے میں کتب بینی کی عادت ختم ہو گئی ہے۔

چنانچہ اَصل سوال یہ ہے کہ ایسا کیوں ہوا؟ افسوس کے ساتھ کہنا پڑتا ہے کہ اِس ماحول کو ختم کرنے کے ذمہ دار دانشور، اساتذہ اور والدین ہیں۔ اُن کے سوا کسی پر بھی اِس کی ذمہ داری عاید نہیں کی جا سکتی- نہ غریب عوام، نہ کسی فوجی ڈکٹیٹر نہ کسی اور قسم کی حکومت پر۔ جس زمانے کا یہ تذکرہ ہے اُس زمانے میں والدین اپنے بچوں کو کتابیں پڑھنے پر ڈانٹتے ہی نہیں تھے بلکہ اِس بات پر پٹائی بھی کر دیتے تھے۔ اُن کا خیال تھا کہ بچوں کو اُردو میں صرف درسی کتابیں پڑھنی چاہئیں ورنہ انگریزی ناول پڑھیں تاکہ انگریزی اچھی ہو جائے۔ چنانچہ والدین کے خیال میں کتابیں پڑھنے کا شوق چرس، افیون اور گانجے کی طرح تھا۔ بچے اپنے والدین سے چھُپا کر کتابیں پڑھتے تھے۔ پکڑے جاتے تو مشکل درپیش آتی۔

اسکولوں میں اساتذہ کا بھی یہی خیال تھا۔ کسی بھی وقت بستوں کی تلاشی لے لی جاتی تھی۔ جس طالب علم کے بستے سے درسی کتاب کے علاوہ کوئی کتاب نکلتی اُسے سزا ملتی۔ کتاب عموماً ضبط کر کے اسکول کی لائبریری میں داخل کر دی جاتی تھی مگر کبھی کبھی اساتذہ بچوں کو عبرت دلانے کے لیے کتاب پھاڑ کر پُرزے پُرزے بھی کر دیتے تھے (یہ منظر میں نے اپنے اسکول کے زمانے میں خود کئی بار دیکھا)۔ چنانچہ بچے کئی دفعہ کتابیں قمیص کے نیچے یا جرابوں میں اُڑس کر چھُپا لیتے۔ اسکول میں بدمعاش طالب علم کا تصور یہی تھا کہ اُس کے پاس سے

کتابیں برآمد ہوں گی

یہ حقیقت جُھٹلائی نہیں جا سکتی کہ ہمارے اسکولوں نے مسلسل تیس برس تک یہی

روش اپنائے رکھی۔ کالجوں، یونیورسٹیوں، اکیڈمیوں اور ادبی انجمنوں کی رائے میں بھی پوری قوم جو کتابیں پڑھ رہی تھی وہ غلط کر رہی تھی۔ ہمارے پروفیسروں، دانشوروں اور نقادوں کے نزدیک ادب اور ثقافت کے پیمانے کچھ اور تھے (جن کا تذکرہ کرنے کی شاید یہاں کوئی ضرورت نہیں)۔ انہی کی سوچ سے وہ جذباتی رویے فروغ پا رہے تھے جن کے تحت اسکولوں اور گھروں میں کتابیں پڑھنا جرم قرار دیا گیا تھا۔

چنانچہ یہ سمجھنا کچھ مشکل نہیں ہے کہ وہ ماحول کیوں ختم ہو گیا۔ یہ کہنے کی ضرورت نہیں کہ اُسے واپس لانا بیحد ضروری ہے ورنہ ہم آگے نہیں بڑھ سکیں گے۔ اِس کے لیے سب سے پہلے ہمیں ایمانداری کے ساتھ یہ فیصلہ کرنا ہو گا کہ کون صحیح تھا: قوم یا دانشور؟

قوم کے منتخب کیے ہوئے ادب کے سب سے بڑے نمایندہ اَسرار احمد ناوری تھے جنہیں عموماً قلمی نام ابن صفی سے پہچانا جاتا ہے۔ انہی نے چند دوستوں کے ساتھ اِس تہذیبی انقلاب کا آغاز کیا تھا۔ تعلیمی اِداروں اور دانشوروں کی طرف سے کتابوں کے خلاف جو طوفان اُٹھایا گیا، یہ اُس کے خلاف چٹان کی طرح ڈٹے رہے۔ جب تک وہ زندہ رہے، پاکستان میں کتابیں پڑھنے کا رجحان کم نہ ہوا۔ اِسی دوران ریڈیو نے مقبولیت حاصل کی، فلموں کا سنہرا دَور شروع ہوا، ٹیلی وژن آیا اور بلیک اینڈ وہائٹ سے رنگین ہو گیا۔ لوگوں نے اِن تمام دلچسپیوں میں حصہ لیا مگر کتابوں سے منہ نہ موڑا۔ 1980ءمیں ابن صفی فوت ہوئے۔ چند ہی برس بعد وہ لائبریریاں اور بُک اسٹال اچانک غائب ہوگئے جو گلی گلی کُھلے ہوئے تھے۔

سائیکومینشن مِیں مَیں نے ابن صفی کے جاسوسی ناولوں میں سے ایسی تحریروں کا انتخاب پیش کیا تھا جن میں جاسوسی بالکل نہیں تھی بلکہ معاشرے کے بارے میں عمیق مشاہدات یا پھر طنز و مزاح تھا۔ ان کی روشنی میں بخوبی دیکھا جا سکتا ہے کہ عوام کا فیصلہ درست تھا اور ہمارے دانشور غلط تھے۔ یقیناً یہ ادب اُس پذیرائی کے لائق تھا جو عوام نے کی۔

اب دانشوروں کے اعتراض کا دُوسرا پہلو رہ جاتا ہے۔ ابن صفی کے ناولوں میں جاسوسی کا عنصر غالب ہوتا تھا اور بظاہر ہمارے دانشوروں کو اِسی پر اعتراض تھا۔ رانا پیلس میں ایسے ہی حصوں کا انتخاب پیش کیا جا رہا ہے تاکہ آپ خود فیصلہ کر سکیں کہ جاسوسی عنصر کی نوعیت کیا تھی۔

کتاب کے تین حصے ہیں

حیرت نامہ میں تیرہ ناولوں کے ایسے اقتباسات پیش کیے جا رہے ہیں جو قارئین کو تحیّر کی کیفیت میں مبتلا کر دیتے ہیں۔

کردارنامہ میں چودہ ایسے اقتباسات پیش کیے جا رہے ہیں جن میں ابن صفی کے ناولوں کے مستقل کردار متعارف ہوتے ہیں (ظاہر ہے کہ ان میں سے اکثر کردار سائیکومینشن اور رانا پیلس کے دوسرے حصوں میں بھی آئے ہیں مگر یہاں اِن کرداروں کا مفصل تعارف ہو رہا ہے)۔

سیاحت نامہ میں تیرہ ایسے اقتباسات پیش کیے جا رہے ہیں جن میں ابن صفی کے کردار کسی بیرونی ملک میں موجود ہیں۔

رانا پیلس میں تحقیقِ متن کے لیے جناب راشد اَشرف کی خدمات حاصل کی گئی ہیں جو ابنِ صفی کے محقق ہیں۔ جہاں جہاں ضرورت محسوس ہوئی انہوں نے اولین ایڈیشنوں کے ساتھ متن کا موازنہ کر کے تصحیح کی۔ ابنِ صفی ویب سائٹ کے مہتمم جناب حنیف احمد نے گراں قدر مشورے دیے اور بروقت بعض معلومات فراہم کیں۔

ابن صفی کے قانونی ورثا کا بھی شکرگذار ہوں جنہوں نے اِس انتخاب کو شائع کرنے کی اجازت دی۔ ابن صفی کے صاحبزادے ڈاکٹر احمد صفی اِس پوری مہم میں میرے ساتھ برابر کے شریک رہے ہیں۔

ایک اہم اطلاع ہے کہ ابن صفی کے بارے میں انٹرنیٹ پر مزید جستجو کرنی ہو تو

www.ibnesafi.info ابن صفی کی خاص ویب سائٹ ہے جس کے خالق اور مہتمم جناب محمد حنیف ہیں۔

http://www.wadi-e-urdu.com محقق راشد اشرف کی وَیب سائٹ ہے۔

www.facebook.com/ibnesafi فیس بُک پر ابنِ صفی کا صفحہ ہے۔

اِن تینوں کاوشوں کو ابنِ صفی کے قانونی ورثا کی سرپرستی حاصل ہے۔

خرم علی شفیق
khurramsdesk@gmail.com

مشرقی پاکستان

2011-12-16T12:23:00.001+05:00

انیس سو ستر میں پاکستان میں انتخابات ہوئے۔ عوامی لیگ نے اکثریت حاصل کی۔ ہارنے والے رہنما ذوالفقار علی بھٹو نے مطالبہ کیا کہ اقتدار میں انہیں شامل کیا جائے ورنہ اگر مغربی پاکستان سے کوئی نمایندہ ڈھاکہ میں قومی اسمبلی کے اجلاس میں گیا تو بھٹو صاحب اُس کی ٹانگیں توڑ دیں گے۔

انہی دنوں پنجابی فلم "مستانہ ماہی" ریلیز ہوئی۔ فلمساز وحید مراد تھے۔ مصنف حزین قادری تھے۔ فلم مقبول ہوئی۔

اُس زمانے میں فلموں میں سیاسی تبصرے کرنا بہت مشکل تھا۔ سینسر پوری فلم پر پابندی لگا سکتا تھا۔ مشرقی پاکستان کا مسئلہ تو اِتنا نازک تھا کہ جیل جانے کی نوبت بھی آ سکتی تھی۔

ان پابندیوں کو ذہن میں رکھ کر مندرجہ ذیل ٹکڑا ملاحظہ کیجیے۔ یہ فلم کا ابتدائی حصہ ہے۔ ایک عورت اپنے گاوں آئی ہے۔ بدمعاش نے اُسے روک لیا ہے۔ شوہر سے مطالبہ کیا ہے کہ دو ہزار روپے ادا کرے، تب بیوی کو واپس آنے دیا جائے گا۔

یہ بدمعاش کون ہے؟ گُرگا کہتا ہے، "آج آپ کا موڈ کچھ فارن کنٹری [بیرونی ملک] جیسا لگتا ہے۔" ہیرو اپنے گاوں کے لوگوں سے شکایت کرتا ہے کہ شریفوں کے گھروں کے فیصلے بدمعاش کی بیٹھک میں کیوں پہنچ گئے ہیں، آپ لوگ مل کر خود ہی کیوں نہیں فیصلے کرتے۔

بدمعاش کہتا ہے، میں دیکھوں گا تم لوگ اپنے فیصلے خود کس طرح کرتے ہو۔

کہیں یہ بدمعاش کوئی فارن کنٹری ہی تو نہیں جو نہیں چاہتا تھا کہ ہم اپنے فیصلے

خود کریں؟ ویڈیو دیکھیے اور فیصلہ کیجیے۔

تانگے والے کا قائداعظم

2011-12-13T18:41:00.001+05:00

آیے دیکھتے ہیں کہ قائداعظم کس طرح عوام کی بات جاننے کے لیے بیتاب رہتے تھے اور ماننے پر بھی آمادہ تھے [ایک پچھلی پوسٹ میں عرض کیا تھا کہ ہماری مشکلیں دو ہیں کہ ہم عوام کی بات جانتے بھی نہیں اور مانتے بھی نہیں]۔ مندرجہ ذیل تحریر قائداعظم کے سیکرٹری مطلوب الحسن سید کی ہے۔

میسور کے نندی پہاڑ پر قائداعظم نے کچھ عرصے قیام کیا۔ وہاں ایک خط موصول ہوا۔ جو آگرے سے آیا تھا۔ خط اُردو میں تھا۔ اور لکھنے والے نے رُول دار کاغذ استعمال کیا تھا جو غالباً کسی رجسٹر سے پھاڑا گیا تھا۔ یہ خط ایک تانگے والے نے لکھا تھا۔ خط گالیوں سے شروع ہوا تھا لیکن بعد میں لکھنے والے نے لکھا تھا کہ ہماری گالیوں کا بُرا نہ مانیں کیونکہ ہم تانگے والوں کی زبان ہی ایسی ہوتی ہے۔ دراصل یہ ہمارے پیار کی زبان ہے۔

یہ خط دو قسطوں میں موصول ہوا تھا۔ پہلی قسط میں اس نے لکھا تھا کہ میرے پاس ایک سواری آ گئی ہے۔ اس لیے باقی خط پھر لکھوں گا۔

چنانچہ دوسری قسط دوسرے روز مل گئی۔ اس خط کا لبِ لباب یہ تھا کہ راقم الحروف کا سب سے بڑا شکوہ قائداعظم سے یہ تھا کہ قائد نے مسلمانوں کی قیادت کی دوسری سیڑھی کا تعین نہیں کیا۔ اُس نے لکھا تھا کہ قائداعظم تمہاری وفات کے بعد مسلمانوں میں ایک خلا پیدا ہو جائے گا جس کی وجہ سے مسلمانوں کو سیاست کے مخمصے میں پھنس جانے کا اندیشہ ہے۔ اس لیے اپنے نیچے کی قیادت کو ابھی سے منظم کرنا شروع کر دو۔

قائداعظم نے حسبِ دستور مجھے کہا کہ میں یہ خط پڑھ کر سناوں لیکن میں نے خط کو آغاز سے پڑھ کر سنانے سے انکار کر دیا۔ اور عرض کیا کہ اس میں گالیاں لکھی ہوئی ہیں۔

انہوں نے فرمایا کوئی بات نہیں اس کو پڑھو۔ جب میں نے نہ پڑھنے پر اِصرار کیا تو وہ بہت خفا ہوئے اور مجھے جھڑک کر کہا کہ تم کو پڑھنا پڑے گا۔

قائداعظم کے اس رویہ سے مجھے سخت صدمہ ہوا اور میں روہانسا ہو گیا۔ لیکن انہوں نے دوبارہ کہا کہ تمہیں خط پڑھنا ہو گا۔ اس پر میں نے عرض کیا کہ جس ماحول میں میری نشو و نما ہوئی ہے، اس نے میری زبان پر ایسی پابندی لگا دی ہے کہ ایسے الفاظ ادا کرنے کے لیے میری زبان کا پلٹنا مشکل ہے۔

اس پر وہ ذرا نرم ہوئے اور کہا کہ اچھا چھوڑ چھوڑ کر پڑھو۔ اس طرح وہ خط میں نے انہیں سنایا۔ لیکن جب میں اُس حصے پر پہنچا جہاں اُس نے قیادت کی دوسری سیڑھی کا ذکر کیا تھا تو اُنہوں نے کہا کہ دیکھو یہ خط معمولی نہیں ہے۔ اس تانگے والے نے بڑی دُوراندیشی کا ثبوت دیا ہے۔ اس خط کا اُسے جواب ضرور جانا چاہیے۔

لیکن تانگے والے نے اپنا خط کا پتا نہیں لکھا تھا۔ اس کا انہیں بیحد رنج ہوا۔ پھر مجھ سے کہا اس خط کا انگریزی میں ترجمہ کر کے مجھے دو۔

دو تین روز بعد انہوں نے اس خط کو پھر نکالا اور مجھ سے کہا کہ سیاست میں ٹھنڈے مزاج کی ضرورت ہے۔ سیاست میں رہ کر نہ تعریف کا اثر لینا چاہیے اور نہ گالیوں سے رنجیدہ ہونا چاہیے۔ ضرورت صرف اس بات کی ہے اپنا ضمیر صاف رکھو۔ انہوں نے کہا مجھے کیا حق پہنچتا ہے کہ مسلمانوں کی آیندہ قیادت کے لیے افراد کو منتخب کروں۔ مجھے یقین ہے کہ مسلمان اپنی قیادت کے لیے خود ہی کسی کو منتخب کر لیں گے۔ اور ایسا ہونا بھی چاہیے۔ مسلمانوں کی سیاست میری ملکیت تو نہیں ہے کہ میں اپنا جانشین مقرر کروں۔

ماخذ: قائداعظم میری نظر میں۔ مرتب زکریا ساجد، ناشر قائداعظم اکادمی کراچی۔ ص145سے 148

واسوخت اور شکوہ

2011-12-07T00:01:00.002+05:00

شیخ عبدالقادر جنہوں نے بانگِ درا کا دیباچہ لکھا، انہوں نے اپنے ایک مضمون میں علامہ اقبال کی نظم 'شکوہ' اور میر تقی میر کی واسوخت کی باہمی مماثلت پر زور دیا ہے۔ میں نے اپنی کتاب اقبال: تشکیلی دَور میں نظم 'شکوہ' کا پس منظر بیان کرتے ہوئے اس بات کو ذہن میں رکھا۔

واسوخت نظم کی وہ قسم تھی جس میں محبوب سے شکایت کی جاتی تھی۔ میر تقی میر کی کلیات میں چار واسوختیں ہیں۔ ان چاروں کا مرکزی خیال یہی ہے کہ میر تقی میر اپنے محبوب سے کہتے ہیں کہ ہم نے ہی تمہاری نازبرداری کر کے تمہیں اتنا معتبر کر دیا کہ ہر شخص تمہاری طرف مائل ہونے لگا۔ اب تم غیروں کو ترجیح دینے لگے ہو اور ہم سے بے رُخی اختیار کی ہے تو ہم بھی کسی اور پر مہربان ہو کر اُسے تم سے زیادہ حسین و جمیل بنا دیں گے۔ لیکن اگر اب بھی مہربان ہو جاو تو ہم آج بھی وہی تمہارے دلدادہ ہیں۔

ظاہر ہے کہ تاریخی اعتبار سے یہ محبوب فارسی زبان بھی ہو سکتی ہے کہ برصغیر کے مسلمانوں نے نہ صرف خود فارسی زبان و ادب میں دلچسپی لی تھی بلکہ ایران کے ٹھکرائے ہوئے شاعروں عرفی، ظہوری وغیرہ کو سرآنکھوں ہر بٹھایا تھا جس کے بارے میں علامہ اقبال نے بعد میں کہا

ٹوٹے تھے جو ستارے فارس کے آسماں سے

پھر تاب دے کے جس نے چمکائے کہکشاں سے

میرا وطن وہی ہے، میرا وطن وہی ہے

میر تقی میر دہلی کے اُن اولین شعرا میں سے ہیں جنہوں نے فارسی میں شعر کہنا چھوڑ کر اُردو شاعری کو معتبر بنایا۔ اس لحاظ سے میر کی واسوخت کا یہ مفہوم لیا جا سکتا ہے۔

اِس کے علاوہ دوسرا مفہوم یہ بھی ہو سکتا ہے کہ محبوب وہ بین الاقوامی مسلمان برادری ہے جس کے ہاتھوں برصغیر کے مسلمانوں نے زِک اٹھائی تھی۔

میر کا مطلب جو بھی ہو لیکن محبوب سے جس طرح انہوں نے شکایت کی بالکل وہی انداز علامہ اقبال نے اپنی نظم 'شکوہ' میں اللہ تعالی سے شکایت کرتے ہوئے اختیار کیا۔

میر کی واسخت کے کئی مصرعے بلکہ پورے بند ایسے ہیں جن کی بازگشت 'شکوہ' میں صاف سنائی دیتی ہے، مثلاً میر کہتے ہیں

میں بھی ناچار ہوں اب منہ زباں رہتی نہیں

علامہ اقبال کی شکوہ کا پہلا بند ذہن میں لایے جس میں وہ کہتے ہیں

ہے بجا شیوہ تسلیم میں مشہور ہیں ہم

نالہ آتا ہے اگر لب پہ تو مجبور ہیں ہم

اسی طرح 'شکوہ' کا وہ مشہور بند ذہن میں رکھیے کہ

ہم سے پہلے تھا عجب تیرے جہاں کا منظر

کہیں مسجود تھے پتھر کہیں معبود شجر

خوگرِ پیکرِ محسوس تھی انساں کی نظر

مانتا پھر کوئی اَن دیکھے خدا کو کیونکر

تجکو معلوم ہے لیتا تھا کوئی نام ترا؟

قوتِ بازوئے مسلم نے کیا کام ترا

اب میر کی واسخت کا بند ملاحظہ ہو

پیشتر ہم سے کوئی تیرا طلبگار نہ تھا

ایک بھی نرگسِ بیمار کا بیمار نہ تھا

جنس اچھی تھی تری، لیک خریدار نہ تھا

ہم سِوا کوئی ترا رونقِ بازار نہ تھا

کتنے سودائی جو تھے دل نہ لگا سکتے تھے

آنکھیں یوں موند کے وے جی نہ جلا سکتے تھے

اسی بند پر غور کیجیے تو شکوہ کے بعض اور مصرعے بھی ذہن میں آ جائیں گے۔ کون سی قوم فقط تیری طلبگار ہوئی۔ ٹل نہ سکتے تھے اگر جنگ میں اَڑ جاتے تھے۔ وغیرہ وغیرہ

شیخ عبدالقادر نے اپنے مضمون میں کئی مماثلتیں بیان کی ہیں۔ میں اِن دنوں انگلستان میں ہوں اِس لیے وہ مضمون پیش نہیں کر سکتا۔ پھر کبھی سہی۔

امام حسین

2011-12-05T19:35:00.001+05:00

علامہ اقبال نے 'رموزِ بیخودی' میں بتایا ہے کہ آنحضور صلی اللہ علیہ وسلم کی نبوت کا مقاصد دنیا میں اُخوت، مساوات اور آزادی کا فروغ تھا۔ ان تینوں قدروں کے بارے میں اسلامی تصور کو علامہ نے ایک ایک تاریخی حکایت سے واضح کیا ہے۔ آزادی کے تصور کی وضاحت کے لیے کربلا کا واقعہ بیان کیا ہے۔ اس باب کا ترجمہ درجِ ذیل ہے۔

اِسلامی آزادی اور حادثہ ء کربلا کے راز کے بارے میں

جس کسی نے بھی ھُوَالمَوجُود کے ساتھ پیمان باندھا اُس کی گردن ہر معبود کے طوق سے آزاد ہو گئی۔

مومن عشق سے ہے اور عشق مومن سے ہے۔ ہمارا ناممکن عشق کے لیے ممکن ہے۔

عقل سفاک ہے اور عشق اُس سے بھی زیادہ سفاک ہے۔ زیادہ پاک، زیادہ چالاک اور زیادہ بیباک ہے۔

عقل اسباب اور وجوہات کے چکر میں پڑی ہوئی ہے ۔ عشق میدانِ عمل کا کھلاڑی ہے۔

عشق اپنے شکار کو زورِ بازو سے پکڑ لیتا ہے ۔ عقل مکار ہے اور جال پھینکتی ہے۔

عقل کا کام نااُمیدی اور شک سے نکلتا ہے۔ عشق کے لیے عزم اور یقین ناگزیر ہیں۔

وہ ویران کرنے کے لیے تعمیر کرتی ہے۔ یہ تعمیر کرنے کے لیے ویران کرتا ہے۔

عقل دنیا میں ہوا کی طرح عام ہے۔ عشق کمیاب اور مہنگا ہے۔

عقل کیسے اور کتنے کی بنیاد پر قائم ہے۔ عشق کے جسم پر کیسے اور کتنے کا لباس نہیں ٹھہرتا۔

عقل کہتی ہے اپنے آپ کو پیش کرو۔ عشق کہتا ہے اپنا امتحان لو۔

عقل اکتسابی ہے اس لیے غیر سے آشنا ہے۔ عشق خدا کی دین ہے اور اپنے آپ سے کام رکھتا ہے۔

عقل کہتی ہے خوش رہو، آباد رہو۔ عشق کہتا کہ بندگی اختیار کرو تاکہ آزاد ہو جاو۔

عشق کی روح کا آرام آزادی میں ہے۔ آزادی اُس کی اونٹنی کی ساربان ہے۔

کیا تم نے سُنا کہ جنگ کے وقت عشق نے ہوس پیشہ عقل کے ساتھ کیا کیا؟

وہ عاشقوں کے امام، جنابِ بتولؓ کے لختِ جگر، رسول صلی اللہ علیہ وسلم کے باغ میں آزادی کا درخت-

اللہ کی شان دیکھو کہ باپ بسم اللہ کی ب اور بیٹا ذبحِ عظیم والی آیت کی تفسیر ہے

سب سے بہتر ملت کے اُس شہزادے کے لیے آخری نبی صلی اللہ علیہ وسلم کا کاندھا سواری کا نعم البدل بن گیا۔

غیرتمند عشق اُس کے لہو سے سرخ ہے۔ اُس کے مضمون سے اِس مصرع کی شوخی ہے۔

وہ عالی مرتبت ہستی اُمت میں ایسے ہے جیسے اُم الکتاب میں قل ھو اللہ احد!

موسیٰ اور فرعون، شبیر اور یزید دو قوتیں ہیں جو زندگی سے پیدا ہوتی ہیں۔

حق شبیر کی قوت سے زندہ ہے۔ باطل کا انجام ناکامی کی موت کا داغ ہے۔

جب خلافت نے قرآن سے رشتہ توڑ لیا تو آزادی کے منہ میں زہر ڈل گیا۔

تب خیرُ الاُمم کا وہ جلوہ آرا کعبہ کے بادل کی طرح اپنے دامن میں مینہ سمیٹ کر اُٹھا۔

کربلا کی زمین پر برسا اور گزر گیا۔ ویرانوں میں لالے کے پھول اُگائے اور گزر گیا۔

قیامت تک کے لیے استبداد کا خاتمہ کر گیا۔ اُس کے لہو کی موج نے باغ کھِلا دیا۔

حق کی خاطر خاک و خون میں لوٹ گیا اور یوں لا الٰہ کی بنیاد مضبوط کر دی۔

اگر آپؓ کا مدّعا سلطنت ہوتی تو آپ کبھی ایسے سازو سامان کے ساتھ سفر نہ کرتے،

آپؓ کے دشمن صحرا کی ریت کے ذروں کی طرح لاتعداد اور آپ کے ساتھی ”یزداں“ کے لفظ کے ہم عدد یعنی صرف بہتّر۔

آپؓ حضرت ابراہیم ؑ اور حضرت اسماعیلؑ کا راز تھے یعنی آپ اُس اجمال کی تفصیل تھے۔

آپؓ کا عزم کوہساروں کی طرح ڈٹا ہوا، ثابت قدم، چٹیل اور کامیاب تھا۔

تلوار صرف دین کی عزت کے لیے ہے ۔ اُس کا مقصد قانون کی حفاظت کے سوا کچھ اور نہیں۔

مسلمان اللہ کے سوا کسی کا غلام نہیں ہے۔ فرعون کے سامنے سر نہیں جھکاتا۔

آپؓ کے لہو نے اِس راز کی تفسیر بیان کر دی۔ سوئی ہوئی قوم کو بیدار کر دیا۔

جب آپؓ نے ”لا“ کی تلوار میان سے نکالی تو باطل کے سرپرستوں کی رگوں سے لہو کھینچ لیا۔

اِلا" کا نقش صحرا پر لکھ دیا۔ وہ ہماری آزادی کے عنوان کی سطر بن گئی۔"

ہم نے قرآن کے چُھپے ہوئے معنی حسینؓ سے سیکھے ہیں۔ آپؓ کی آگ سے شعلے اکٹھے کیے ہیں۔

شام کی شوکت اور بغداد کی شان رخصت ہو گئی۔ غرناطہ کی سطوت بھی یاد سے محو ہو گئی۔

تب بھی ہمارے ساز کے تار آج تک آپؓہی کے مضراب سے ہل رہے ہیں۔ آپ ہی کی تکبیر سے آج تک ہمارے ایمان تازہ ہیں۔

اے صبا! اے دُور پڑے ہوو ں کی قاصد! ہمارے آنسو لے جا کر اُن کی خاکِ پاک پر
برسا دے۔

رموز بیخودی از علامہ اقبال۔ ترجمہ خرم علی شفیق

میر کے دین و مذہب کو

2011-12-03T05:54:00.017+05:00

میر تقی میر کا غم انفرادی اور ذاتی تھا
یا پورے مسلمان معاشرے کے غم
انہوں نے اکٹھے کیے تھے؟
ہم کو شاعر نہ کہو میر کہ صاحب ہم نے
درد و غم کتنے کیے جمع تو دیوان کیا

میر تقی میر اور مرزا غالب کے یہاں عشق و عاشقی اور رونے دھونے کے سِوا کیا رکھا ہے؟ آج یی غلط فہمی دُور کیجیے۔

جب ایک نئی نظریاتی مملکت وجود میں آتی ہے تو اُسے اپنے تمام علوم کو اپنے نظریے کی روشنی میں از سرِ نَو دیکھنا پڑتا ہے۔ کمیونسٹ ملکوں نے تو آسمانی صحیفوں کی تفسیر بھی روٹی، کپڑا اور مکان کے دائرے میں کر کے رکھ دی تھی۔

بھارت نے بھی میر اور غالب وغیرہ کو اُس ہندی نیشنلزم کی روشنی میں دیکھا ہے جو 1885میں کانگریس کے قیام سے پہلے پورے ہندوستان میں کہیں موجود نہ تھا۔ مگر افسوس کہ پاکستانی دانشور اپنے فرض سے غافل رہے۔

پاکستان، قوم سے محبت کے نظریے پر قائم ہوا چنانچہ پاکستان کی ضرورت ہے کہ تمام بڑے شاعروں کی شاعری کو اِس معیار پر جانچا جائے کہ اگر اُن کے اشعار میں محبوب کی جگہ قوم کو رَکھ دیا جائے تو کوئی خاص معانی نکلتے ہیں یا نہیں۔ اگر نہیں نکلتے تو وہ شاعر ہمارے کام کا نہیں ہے۔ اگر نکلتے ہیں تو کام کا ہے۔

میر تقی میر اٹھارہویں صدی کی دہلی میں رہتے تھے۔ صدیوں سے یہاں فارسی بولنے کا رواج تھا۔ ہمارے دل و دماغ میں ایران ہر طرح کے حسن و نزاکت کی آماجگاہ تھا۔ پھر ایک دن یوں ہوا کہ ایرانی شہنشاہ نادر شاہ کے سپاہی دہلی میں قتل عام کرنے لگے۔ شرفا کی عزتیں برباد ہو گئیں۔ بازاروں میں لاشوں کے انبار لگ گئے۔ یہی سب کچھ بعد میں نادر شاہ کے جانشین احمد شاہ ابدالی کے سپاہیوں نے بھی کیا [نادر شاہ اور احمد شاہ ابدالی دونوں کو اُن کے بعض اچھے کارناموں کی وجہ سے علامہ اقبال نے جنت الفردوس میں دکھایا ہے مگر وہ ایک علیحدہ بات ہے جس پر کبھی اور عرض کروں گا]۔

میر تقی میر کے دل و دماغ میں ایک بہت بڑا سوال پیدا ہوا: میں ایک ہندی مسلمان ہوں تو میرا باقی اُمتِ مسلمہ سے کیا رشتہ ہے؟

میر نے بیہودہ اور فضول اشعار بھی لکھے ہوں مگر جب وہ اپنے وجود کی گہرائی میں ڈوبتے ہیں تو اُن کا وجود ہندوستان [اور آج کے پاکستان] کے مسلمانوں کا نمایندہ بن جاتا ہے۔ محبوب وہ بین الاقوامی مسلمان برادری جو کل تک ہمیں سر
آنکھوں پر بٹھاتی تھی مگر آج گھاس نہیں ڈالتی، ہم پر ظلم کرتی ہے۔

دکھائی دیے یوں کہ بیخود کیا

ہمیں آپ سے بھی جُدا کر چلے

یہاں "آپ"سے مراد "اپنے آپ"ہے۔ میں یہ دعویٰ نہیں کر رہا کہ میر کہیں بیٹھ کر دوقومی نظریے کا درس دیا کرتے تھے۔ بات یہ ہے کہ وہ جس معاشرے کا حصہ تھے وہ پوری دنیا کی مسلمان برادری سے کچھ اِسی طرح جُڑا ہوا تھا کہ اُس معاشرے کے ایک حساس فرد کے ضمیر کی تہہ میں اِس رشتے کا عکس دکھائی دینا لازمی بات تھی۔

میر کی اہمیت یہ ہے کہ اگر ہم اُن کے ضمیر میں جھانک کر برصغیر کے مسلمان معاشرے کا باقی دنیا کے مسلمانوں یعنی اپنے محبوب کے ساتھ رشتہ تلاش کریں تو وہ رشتہ ہمیں اِس سوال کی صورت میں ملتا ہے: کیا ہم برِ صغیر کے مسلمان بین الاقوامی مسلمان برادری سے رشتہ توڑ کر ہندی قومیت اپنا لیں؟

میر کے دین و مذہب کو اب پوچھتے کیا ہو اُن نے تو

قشقہ کھینچا، دَیر میں بیٹھا، کب کا تَرک اسلام کیا

یہ شعر ذرا غور سے پڑھیے، اسلام کی دولت ہاتھ سے جانے کا افسوس اور درد جس طرح اِس شعر میں جھلکتا ہے وہ صرف محسوس کرنے کی چیز ہے۔ لیکن ظاہر ہے کہ یہی سوال ڈیڑھ دو سو برس بعد برصغیر کے تمام مسلمانوں کے سامنے آیا اور اُنہوں نے یہی جواب دیا کہ نہیں ہم اپنی اسلامی قومیت پر جان، مال، عزت ناموس سب کچھ لٹانے کے لیے تیار ہیں۔ یہ واقعہ کہ کروڑوں مسلمانوں نے اسلامی قومیت پر سب کچھ قربان کر دیا بذاتِ خود انسانی تاریخ کے سب سے زیادہ حیرت انگیز واقعات میں سے ہے۔

مغربی محققین تو یہ کہہ کر آگے بڑھ جاتے ہیں کہ مسلمان پاگل ہو گئے تھے اور بھارتی مورخ بھی یہی دُہرا دیتے ہیں لیکن اگر ہم پاگل ہو گئے تھے تب بھی اِتنے بڑے پاگل دس بیس برسوں میں نہیں بنتے۔ کم سے کم دو تین سو برس پیچھے سے وجوہات تلاش کرنی پڑیں گی۔ ادب، فن، جذبات، محسوسات، ذہنی رویے اور دل کی دھڑکنیں آخر کس کس طرح پروان چڑھتے رہے تھے کہ اِتنی بڑی دیوانگی ہم سے سرزد ہوئی جس پر ہمیں دونوں جہانوں میں فخر ہو سکے۔

زنداں میں بھی شورش نہ گئی اپنے جنوں کی
اب سنگ مداوا ہے اس آشفتہ سری کا

تب شاید ہمیں معلوم ہو کہ میر تقی میر نے محسوس کر لیا تھا کہ برصغیر کے مسلمانوں کو نشہ اِسی اسلامی قومیت کا ہے اور یہ نشہ اِتنا زیادہ ہے کہ اب اس میں اضافے کی کوئی خاص ضرورت نہیں، اب کام بن چُکا ہے۔

آج بھی پاکستانی مسلمان شاید دنیا کا آخری مسلمان ہے جو علاقائی وطنیت پر فِدا ہونے کی بجائے ملتِ اسلامیہ کا روگ سینے سے لگائے ہوئے ہے۔ ایرانی ہمیں گھاس نہیں ڈالتا، افغانی ہمارا نام آتے ہی گالیاں بکنا شروع کر دیتا ہے، عرب ہمیں حقیر سمجھتا ہے اور افریقی ہمیں غیر کہتا ہے مگر ہم ہیں کہ پھر بھی اسلامی وحدت کے نام پر ان میں سے کسی کے لیے بھی گھربار دوبارہ لٹانے پر تیار ہیں۔ اسلامی قومیت کو ایک نشہ سمجھ لیا جائے تو ہر پاکستانی دنیائے اسلام سے آج بھی کہہ سکتا ہے کہ

یارو مجھے معاف رکھو، میں نشے میں ہوں
اب جام دو تو خالی ہی دو میں نشے میں ہوں

اگر آپ اب بھی یہی سوچ رہے ہیں کہ کیا میر کی شاعری میں واقعی اِتنی توانائی ہو سکتی ہے تو جواب یہی ہے کہ علامہ اقبال کی نظم "شکوہ" بھی میر ہی کی ایک مشہور نظم سے ماخوذ ہے۔

یہ بات علامہ کے قریبی دوست شیخ عبدالقادر نے ایک مضمون میں وضاحت کے ساتھ بیان کی۔ وہی شیخ عبدالقادر جنہوں نے بانگِ درا کا دیباچہ لکھا تھا۔ اب پہلے میر کی وہ نظم تلاش کیجیے، پھر بات آگے بڑھے گی۔

مگر آپ کہاں تلاش کریں گے، میں ہی اگلی پوسٹ میں بتا دوں گا۔

جستجو ٹی وی

2011-11-30T18:50:00.000+05:00

حسین حقانی کا استعفیٰ

2011-11-30T06:05:00.015+05:00

امریکہ میں ہمارے سفیر نے جن حالات میں استعفیٰ دیا اُس پر مجھے شبن یاد آیا۔ سوچا کہ بلاگ پر لکھوں مگر باز رہا کہ بدشگونی نہ ہو جائے۔ وہ خودبخود ہو گئی۔ اس لیے اب تفصیل حاضر ہے۔

۔شبن فلم ارمان میں ایک کردار ہے۔ گھر میں ملازم ہے۔ اُس کا تکیہ کلام ہے، "جھوٹ بولت ہیں تو بیوقوف کہلاوَت ہیں۔ سچ بولت ہیں تو مار کھاوَت ہیں۔ بس ہو گیا فیصلہ: ہم ناہی کریں گے نوکری۔" [جھوٹ بولتے ہیں تو بیوقوف کہلاتے ہیں۔ سچ بولتے ہیں تو مار کھاتے ہیں۔ بس ہو گیا فیصلہ: ہم نہیں کریں گے نوکری]۔

فلم کے ساتویں حصے میں یوں ہوتا ہے کہ میاں شبن جس گھر میں کام کرتے ہیں وہاں ایک غلط قسم کا خط پہنچاتے ہوئے پکڑے جاتے ہیں۔

"کم بخت نمک حرام تو یہاں قاصد کا کام کب سے کر رہا ہے؟"

"ہم کو مارَت کاہے ہو سرکار۔۔۔"

سفیر صاحب کے استعفے سے پہلے جو واقعات پیش آئے اُن کے بارے میں پڑھتے ہوئے مجھے یہ مکالمہ بیساختہ یاد آیا۔ رہا بدشگونی کا معاملہ تو فلم میں اِس منظر کے کچھ ہی دیر بعد وہ شخص جس نے خط بھیجا تھا، گھر میں گُھس کر حملہ آور ہو جاتا ہے۔ فلم کی حد تک تو ٹھیک ہے لیکن یہاں معاملہ دو ممالک کا تھا لہِٰذا ایسی منحوس بات لکھنا مجھے کچھ اچھا نہ لگا۔

دو چار دنوں میں وہ منحوس بات ہو ہی گئی۔ امریکی افواج نے پاکستانی سپاہیوں پر حملہ بھی کر دیا۔

خدا کرے کہ باقی سب خیریت رہے۔ بہرحال اب آپ فلم کے دونوں مناظر کی ویڈیو دیکھ سکتے ہیں۔ پہلے وہ خط پکڑے جانا والا واقعہ ملاحظہ فرمایے۔ اگر آپ تفریح کے مُوڈ میں ہوں تو شبن کو سفیر، ناصر یعنی وحید مراد کو پاکستانی عوام اور خاتونِ خانہ کو اپنی حکومت بھی سمجھ سکتے ہیں۔

۔اب ہیرو کے گھر میں ولن کے حملہ آور ہونے کا منظر دیکھیے۔

پچھلی چند پوسٹس کچھ زیادہ ہی سنجیدہ ہو گئی تھیں لہٰذا آج کچھ اور سہی۔ پھر بھی آپ مجھ سے علامہ اقبال کا کوئی شعر سننے ہی پر مصر ہوں تو یہی کہہ سکتا ہوں کہ

آنکھ جو کچھ دیکھتی ہے لب پہ آ سکتا نہیں

محوِ حیرت ہوں کہ دُنیا کیا سے کیا ہو جائے گی

اُردو ادب کے عناصرِ خمسہ

2011-11-28T04:34:00.007+05:00

کالجوں میں ہمیں پڑھایا جاتا ہے کہ اُردو ادب کے پانچ عناصرِ خمسہ ہیں: سر سید احمد خاں، مولانا حالی، مولانا شبلی نعمانی، مولانا محمد حسین آزاد اور ڈپٹی نذیر احمد۔ کیا یہ بات درست ہے؟

اِس میں کوئی شبہ نہیں کہ اِن پانچوں بزرگوں نے جدید اُردو ادب کی تعمیر کرنے میں نمایاں کردار ادا کیا مگر اِنہیں جس طرح عناصرِ خمسہ کی ترکیب میں جوڑا جاتا ہے وہ بیسویں صدی کے شروع میں اُس وقت کیا گیا جب اُس وقت کے ادیبوں کی نئی نسل مولانا حالی کے بتائے ہوئے راستے سے ہٹنے لگی تھی۔

مولانا حالی کا بتایا ہوا راستہ یہ تھا کہ ادب کی قدر و قیمت قومی مقاصد کی روشنی میں متعین کی جاتی ہے۔

اس لحاظ سے دیکھا جائے تو سر سید، مولانا حالی اور مولانا شبلی نعمانی دوقومی نظریے کے امین تھے۔ انہوں نے ادب کی بنیاد قومی مقاصد پر رکھی۔ اس کے علاوہ ان تینوں بزرگوں کی نمایاں خصوصیت عشق رسول صلی اللہ علیہ وسلم تھی جس کے بارے میں مزید کچھ عرض کروں گا۔

مولانا محمد حسین آزاد اور ڈپٹی نذیر احمد کا معاملہ کچھ اور تھا۔ اس میں کوئی شبہ نہیں کہ ان کی خدمات سنہرے لفظوں میں لکھے جانے کے قابل ہیں۔ ہمارے طلبہ کو یہ نہیں بتایا جاتا کہ ان دونوں نے انگریزی ادب سے انشاپردازی اور ناول کی اصناف کو اُردو میں منتقل کرتے ہوئے بعض ایسی اختراعات کیں جو انگریزی میں موجود نہیں تھیں۔ ان کی وجہ سے اُردو ادب کا دامن زیادہ وسیع ہو گیا جس کا اندازہ ہمیں ابھی تک نہیں ہے۔

لیکن یہ دونوں بزرگ قومی محبت کے اُس تصور کے مبلغ نہیں تھے جو بقیہ تین بزرگوں نے پیش کیا تھا۔ شبلی کا ہیرو اورنگزیب تھا، آزاد کا ہیرو اکبرِ اعظم تھا۔

مولانا حالی نے شیخ سعدی شیرازی کی سوانح لکھی اور اُنہیں اپنا پیر و مرشد قرار دیا، اِسی طرح شبلی نعمانی نے سوانح مولانا روم لکھی۔ مگر ڈپٹی نذیر احمد نے شیخ سعدی کی گلستان پر اعتراض کیا کہ اس کے بعض حصے فحش ہیں اس لیے یہ کتاب طلبہ کو پڑھائے جانے کے لائق نہیں ہے۔ ظاہر ہے کہ پھر مولانا روم کی مثنوی کے بارے میں بھی ان کی یہی رائے رہی ہو گی۔

چنانچہ یہ ظاہر ہے کہ ان بزرگوں کے درمیان اس بات پر کچھ اختلاف ضرور تھا کہ ادب کے معاملے میں قوم کو کون سا راستہ اختیار کرنا چاہیے۔ آخر میں قوم نے پانچوں بزرگوں کو عزت احترام کا مقام دیا مگر رہنمائی صرف سر سید، حالی اور شبلی کی قبول کی جبکہ آزاد اور نذیر احمد کے مشورے کو قوم نے قبول نہ کیا۔

جہاں تک عشق رسول کا معاملہ ہے ہمارے ادب کی سب سے بڑی خصوصیت یہ کہ 1867میں سر سید احمد خاں نے جب خطبات احمدیہ لکھنے کا ارادہ کیا وہاں سے لے کر 1947تک پورے اسی برس ہمارے ادب پر ایسا دَور رہا جب عشق رسول کے سوا ہمارے پاس کوئی اور موضوع تھا ہی نہیں۔ سر سید کی سب سے اہم تصنیف کون سی ہے؟ خطباتِ احمدیہ۔ مولانا حالی کی سب سے مشہور نظم کون سی ہے؟ وہ نبیوں میں رحمت لقب پانے والا۔ مولانا شبلی کا سب سے بڑا کارنامہ کیا ہے؟ سیرۃ النبی۔ علامہ اقبال کی شاعری میں کون سا جذبہ سب سے زیادہ نمایاں ہے؟ عشق رسول۔

اُس زمانے کے بعض بزرگوں کی روایات ہم تک پہنچی ہیں۔ اُن سے معلوم ہوتا ہے کہ اُس زمانے میں بازار حُسن میں بھی مولانا حالی کی یہ نعت گائی جاتی تھی: وہ نبیوں میں رحمت لقب پانے والا۔ یہ طاقت تھی اُس ادب کی اور یوں اُس نے معاشرے پر سحر قائم کیا تھا کہ مسجد سے لے کر گناہوں کے محلے تک کسی کو نہیں چھوڑا تھا۔

صوفیوں میں ایک مقولہ ہے کہ اگر کوئی مرید چالیس دن تک اپنے پِیر و مرشد کا

تصور کرے تو اُسے مستقبل کی باتیں بھی معلوم ہو جاتی ہیں، غیب کے بعض اسرار خدا کی مرضی سے اُس پر ظاہر ہو جاتے ہیں۔ میں نہیں جانتا کہ یہ بات درست ہے یا نہیں لیکن میں اکثر یہ ضرور سوچتا ہوں کہ جس قوم نے اَسی برس تک سرورِ کائنات صلی اللہ علیہ وسلم کے عشق میں ڈوبنے ہی کو اپنا علم، ادب، تفریح اور سب کچھ قرار دیا ہو اُس کا مستقبل شاید خدا نے کچھ محفوظ کر دیا ہو۔

خیر وہ ایک الگ بات ہے۔ اب آپ ویڈیو دیکھیے: وہ نبیوں میں رحمت لقب پانے

والا۔

ملت کا پاسباں

2011-11-26T10:34:00.009+05:00

ملت ہے جسم، جاں ہے محمد علی جناح

علامہ اقبال کی شاعری جس مقام پر پہنچ کر ختم ہوئی وہ اُس منزل کا انتظار تھا جہاں قوم ایک روح کی طرح متحد ہو کر آزاد اسلامی ریاست کے لیے جدوجہد کرے۔ یہ منزل مارچ ۱۹۴۰ء میں آئی جب لاہور میں قراردادِ پاکستان پیش ہوئی۔ مسلم لیگ کے اس تاریخی اجلاس میں ایک نظم پڑھی گئی جسے علامہ اقبال کے بعد ہماری شاعری کا اگلا موڑ سمجھنا چاہیے: ملت کا پاسباں ہے محمد علی جناح۔

شاعر کا نام میاں بشیر احمد تھا۔ برسوں پہلے آکسفورڈ یونیورسٹی سے تاریخ میں ڈگری لے کر اور لندن سے بیرسٹری کی سند حاصل کر کے وطن واپس آئے تھے اور ۱۹۱۸ میں انجمن حمایت اسلام کے سالانہ اجلاس میں اپنے آپ کو قوم کے لیے وقف کرنے کا اعلان کیا تھا۔ اسلامیہ کالج میں پروفیسری شروع کی۔

ان کے والد میاں شاہ دین ہمایوں لاہور کی ممتاز سماجی اور ادبی شخصیت تھے۔ علامہ اقبال کے ادبی سرپرستوں میں سے تھے۔ فوت ہوئے تو میاں بشیر نے ان کی یاد میں رسالہ ہمایوں نکالا جو بہت جلد ایک انتہائی اہم ادبی اور تفریحی رسالہ بن گیا۔ اس کے پہلے شمارے کے لیے نظم کی درخواست لے کر علامہ اقبال کے پاس گئے تو علامہ نے شاہ دین ہمایوں کی یاد میں وہ نظم لکھی جو بانگِ درا میں 'ہمایوں' کے نام سے شامل ہے اور جس کا آخری شعر بیحد مشہور ہے۔۔۔

موت کو سمجھے ہیں غافل اختتامِ زندگی
ہے یہ شامِ زندگی صبحِ دوامِ زندگی

تحریک پاکستان شروع ہوئی تو میاں بشیر احمد نے طلبہ کو مطالبہء پاکستان کے لیے تیار کرنے میں دوسروں سے کچھ زیادہ ہی حصہ لیا۔ قائد اعظم بھی قدر کرتے تھے۔

کیا ایسا شخص اِس قابل بھی نہیں ہے کہ ہم اُسے شاعروں میں شمار کریں اور اُس کی شاعری پر سنجیدگی سے بات کریں؟ بدقسمتی سے ہمارے ادب کے ٹھیکیداروں نے یہی رویہ اپنایا ہے۔ شاید اس لیے کہ اگر علامہ اقبال کے بعد ہم میاں بشیر احمد پر پہنچ جائیں تو ہمارے ادب کی گاڑی کے پٹری سے اُترنے کا امکان بہت کم ہو جاتا ہے۔ جبکہ ہمارے بڑے ادیبوں کی پوری کوشش ہی یہی رہی ہے کہ ادب کی گاڑی کو ہائی جیک کر کے ماسکو، پیرس یا کہیں اور لے جائیں۔

میاں بشیر احمد کی نظم کی پہلی نمایاں خصوصیت یہ ہے کہ علامہ اقبال نے جن چیزوں کا تذکرہ محض تصور کے طور پر کیا تھا یا انہیں مستقبل میں حاصل کرنے کی امید دلائی تھی، یہ نظم اعلان کرتی تھی کہ وہ چیزیں اب حقیقت کے روپ میں ہمارے سامنے آ گئی ہیں۔ قوم کی روح، تقدیر کی اذاں، کارواں کا دوبارہ روانہ ہونا، وغیرہ وغیرہ یہ سب استعارے علامہ کی شاعری سے ماخوذ تھے جنہیں استعمال کرتے ہوئے میاں بشیر نے بتا دیا کہ اب ہمیں ان اشاروں کے لیے مستقبل کی طرف دیکھنے کی ضرورت نہیں، صرف اسٹیج کی طرف دیکھنا کافی ہے جہاں محمد علی جناح مسلمانوں کے قائدِ اعظم کے روپ میں بیٹھے ہیں۔

دوسری خصوصیت یہ ہے کہ الفاظ اگرچہ وہی ہیں جو علامہ کی شاعری میں اکثر استعمال ہوئے اور عموماً فارسی آمیز ہیں، مگر میاں بشیر کی نظم میں وہ ذرا آسان ہو جاتے ہیں۔ گویا یہ نظم ایک رابطہ ہے جس کے ذریعے ہم نئے زمانے کی آسان اُردو سے شروع کر کے علامہ اقبال کی اُردو تک پہنچ سکتے ہیں۔ یہ رابطہ ٹوٹ جانے سے علامہ اقبال کے زمانے کی اُردو سمجھ میں آنا مشکل ہو جاتی ہے۔

تیسری خصوصیت یہ ہے کہ یہ نظم مسلمان عوام میں بالکل اُسی طرح مقبول ہوئی جس طرح علامہ اقبال کی نظمیں مقبول ہوتی تھیں۔

ہم نے اسکول، کالج اور یونیورسٹی میں جدید اُردو ادب اور جدید اُردو شاعری کےہ نام پر جو کچھ پڑھا ہے، جھک ماری ہے۔ آئیے آج پہلا سبق لیں: جدید اُردو شاعری یعنی علامہ اقبال کے بعد کی شاعری کا آغاز اسی نظم سے ہوتا ہے جو میاں بشیر احمد نے لکھی اور ۲۲ مارچ کو یعنی قرارداد پاکستان سے ایک روز قبل تاریخی جلسے میں پڑھی گئی اور جو بچپن سے ہمیں پسند ہے۔

کیا آپ کسی نظم کو صرف اِس لیے عظیم شاہکار تسلیم کرنے سے انکار کر دیں گے کہ وہ آپ کو پسند ہے؟ مجھے شبہ ہے کہ آپ نے اب تک شائد یہی کیا ہے۔ اب مت کیجیے۔

کسی نظم کے مقام اور مرتبے کا اندازہ اُس زمانے کی دوسری نظموں سے موازنہ کر کے بھی لگایا جاتا ہے۔ اب اندازہ لگائیے کہ جس زمانے میں یہ نظم پیش کی گئی قریباً اُسی زمانے میں فیض احمد فیض کی نظم "مجھ سے پہلی سی محبت مری محبوب نہ مانگ" سامنے آئی تھی۔ کیا ہم اُس شخص کو ذہنی بیمار اور روحانی مریض نہیں کہیں گے جس کے خیال میں "مجھ سے پہلی سی محبت" تو ایک عظیم نظم ہو اور "ملت کا پاسباں" سرے سے ادب میں شمار ہونے کے قابل ہی نہ ہو؟

ہمارے پروفیسروں، دانشوروں اور نقادوں نے عموماً یہی کیا ہے۔ اُن کے دماغ خراب ہیں، خدا کے لیے اُن کے پیچھے چلنا چھوڑ دیجیے۔ وہ آپ کو صرف غلامی کے جہنم میں لے جائیں گے کیونکہ انہیں خود وہیں جانا ہے۔ آزادی انہیں راس نہیں آئی۔ وہ آپ کو آپ کے ادب سے، آپ کے ورثے سے محروم کر رہے ہیں۔

یہ آپ کا ادب ہے، آپ کا ورثہ ہے۔ کیا کسی کو حق ہونا چاہیے کہ آپ کو اِس سے محروم کر دے؟ اپنے ورثے کی حفاظت آپ نہیں کریں گے تو پھر کون کرے گا؟ خدا کے لیے اپنے دل و دماغ سے فیصلہ کرنے کی عادت ڈالیے۔ اُس بیماری سے نجات پائیے جو تعلیم کے زہر نے ہم سب میں پیدا کی ہے۔

ویڈیو دیکھیے اور کمنٹ کے تحت صرف اتنا لکھ دیجیے کہ کیا آپ کے خیال میں یہ ایک عظیم نظم ہے؟ [باقی آیندہ]۔

ملت کا پاسباں ہے محمد علی جناح
ملت ہے جسم، جاں ہے محمد علی جناح

صد شکر پھر ہے گرمِ سفر اپنا کارواں
اور میرِ کارواں ہے محمد علی جناح

تصویرِ عزم، جانِ وفا، روحِ حریت
ہے کون؟ بے گماں ہے محمد علی جناح

لگتا ہے ٹھیک جا کے نشانے پہ اُس کا تیر
ایسی کڑی کماں ہے محمد علی جناح

ملت ہوئی ہے زندہ پھر اُس کی پکار سے
تقدیر کی اذاں ہے محمد علی جناح

ستارہ یا سُورج؟

2011-11-22T07:29:00.007+05:00

مصنف، فلمساز اور اداکار وحید مراد
1938-1983

ایسی شخصیات کی مقبولیت کا تجزیہ کر کے معاشرہ اپنے بارے میں جان سکتا ہے۔

عام طور پر غیرمعمولی مقبولیت کی وجوہات یہ ہوتی ہیں: سیاسی پس منظر، معاشرے کا ماحول، تاریخی روایات، ادبی اور نفسیاتی استعارے، اقدار اور نصب العین وغیرہ۔

وحید مراد کی غیرمعمولی مقبولیت کا زمانہ مارچ 1966 سے شروع ہوتا ہےجب فلم ارمان ریلیز ہوئی جس کی کہانی اُنہوں نے خود لکھی تھی اور فلمساز بھی وہی تھے۔

چند ماہ پہلے 1965کی جنگ میں کامیابی کے ساتھ اپنے ملک کا دفاع کرنے کے بعد قوم کے حوصلے بلند تھے۔ جنگ کے دوران شروع ہونے والا قومی نغموں اور ترانوں کا دَور ابھی ختم نہیں ہوا تھا بلکہ حُبُ الوطنی پر مبنی ادب کی بہار آئی ہوئی تھی۔

دوسری طرف تاشقند کے معاہدے میں فوجی حکومت نے جو شرائط قبول کی تھیں اُنہیں عام طور پر بزدلی سے تعبیر کیا جا رہا تھا۔ یہ احساس پیدا ہو رہا تھا کہ ایک ایسی قیادت کی ضرورت ہے جو عوام کی اُمنگوں کا زیادہ احترام کرتی ہو۔

فلم ارمان میں غیرمحسوس طور پر وہی جذبات موجزن تھے جو قومی نغموں میں استعمال ہوئے تھے، صرف اِس فرق کے ساتھ کہ وہاں محبت کا موضوع وطن تھا اور یہاں محبوب۔ لیکن جو عوام صدیوں سے عشقِ مجازی کی شاعری میں عشقِ حقیقی تلاش کرتے آئے ہوں اُن کے لیے یہ فرق آخر کتنا اہم ہو سکتا تھا؟

یہ اپنی جگہ خود بہت بڑی بات ہے کہ عشقِ مجازی کے لٹریچر میں ایسے جذبات پیش کر دیے جائیں جنہیں آپ وطن سے مخاطب ہو کر کہیں تو آپ کی نظریاتی بنیادوں کی مکمل تشریح بن جائیں۔

دل چاہے تو تجربہ کر لیجیے۔ پاکستان کو مخاطب کر کے مندرجہ ذیل مصرعے پڑھیے اور فیصلہ کیجیے کہ کیا یہ اُس "ارمان"کی مکمل عکاسی نہیں جو پاکستان بنانے والوں کے دلوں میں پاکستان کے لیے تھے؟

دیا حوصلہ جس نے جینے کا ہم کو
وہ اِک خوبصورت سا احساس ہو تم
جو مٹتا نہیں دل سے تم وہ یقیں ہو
ہمیشہ جو رہتی ہے وہ آس ہو تم
یہ سوچا ہے ہم نے کہ اب زندگی بھر

تمہاری محبت کو سجدہ کریں گے

فسانہ جو اُلفت کا چھیڑا ہے تم نے
ادھورا نہ رہ جائے یہ سوچ لینا
بچھڑ کے زمانے سے پایا ہے تم کو
کہیں ساتھ تم بھی نہ اب چھوڑ دینا۔۔۔

اسکرین پر وحید مراد کی جو شخصیت اُبھرتی تھی وہ اِس موضوع کے ساتھ انصاف کرتی تھی۔ اعلیٰ تعلیم یافتہ تھے۔ انگریزی ادب میں ایم اے کیا تھا۔ مطالعہ بیحد وسیع تھا۔ نہ صرف ارمان بلکہ بعد کی فلموں میں بھی عام طور پر اُن کا کردار ایسے شخص کا ہوتا تھا جو اپنے ماحول سے غیرمطمئن ہو کر کسی بہتر آئیڈیل کی جستحو کرتا ہے مگر معاشرے کی اخلاقی اقدار کا محافظ بھی ہے۔

اِس کے علاوہ ایک خاص بات تھی۔ یہ طے ہے کہ ہیرو کو ہیرو نظر آنے کے لیے خوداعتمادی کا مظاہرہ کرنا پڑتا ہے۔ اِس کے لیے عام طور پر اداکار ایک ایسے انداز کا سہارا لیتے ہیں جس میں دوسروں کو اہمیت نہ دینے کا عنصر شامل ہوتا ہے۔ وہ فریم میں داخل ہی یوں ہوتے ہیں جیسے شیر شاہ سوری ہمایوں سے سلطنت چھیننے آیا ہو۔ آپ محسوس کرتے ہیں کہ یہ شخص نہ کسی کی بات سنے گا نہ سمجھے گا۔ یوں آپ اُس کی برتری تسلیم کر لیتے ہیں۔ وہ ہیرو بن جاتا ہے۔ وحید مراد کا معاملہ برعکس تھا۔

وحید مراد کے حرکات و سکنات اور لب و لہجے سے ایک عجیب قسم کا اشتیاق ظاہر ہوتا تھا جیسے ہر شخص کی بات سننے اور سمجھنے کے لیے بیتاب ہیں۔ اِس خواہش میں آپے سے باہر ہوئے جا رہے ہیں کہ جس کے دل میں جو کچھ بھی ہے اُسے محسوس کر لیں۔

یہ انداز صرف وحید مراد ہی کے ساتھ آیا۔ دنیا کے بڑے بڑے سُپراسٹارز سے موازنہ کر لیجیے [اگر آپ فلمیں نہیں دیکھتے تو ٹیلی وژن پر نظر آنے والے کمپئرز یا دانشوروں سے موازنہ کر سکتے ہیں]۔ دلیپ کمار، بریڈ پِٹ، امیتابھ بچن، شاہرُخ خان یا کوئی بھی جسے آپ خواہ وحید مراد سے بڑا اسٹار کہیں یا چھوٹا، وہ اِس بات میں مقابلہ نہیں کر سکتا کہ وحید مراد وہ ہیرو ہے جس کی حرکات و سکنات یعنی پوری باڈی لینگوئج مخاطب کو اہمیت دلوانے میں صرف ہو جاتی ہے۔ وہ اپنا ہیرو ہونا دوسروں کی اہمیت گھٹانے سے نہیں بلکہ بڑھانے سے ثابت کرتا ہے۔

شائد یہ اِس لیے بھی تھا کہ وحید مراد بعد میں اداکار تھے، پہلے ایک مصنف اور فلمساز تھے جن کے پاس کچھ پختہ افکار تھے، پیغام تھے جنہیں وہ دوسروں تک پہنچانا چاہتے تھے۔

بُدھ کے روز وحید مراد کی برسی ہے۔ اِسی سلسلے میں یہ پوسٹ لکھی لیکن اب سوچ رہا ہوں کہ اِس میں زیادہ تعریف وحید مراد کی ہوئی ہے یا اُس قوم کی جس نے اپنے لیے سپر اسٹار بھی منتخب کیا تو خاصا سُلجھا ہوا۔ پسند اپنی اپنی، نصیب اپنا اپنا۔

اصلاح کیسے کریں؟

2011-11-18T12:37:00.004+05:00

مجھے لگتا ہے کہ ہم سے پہلے کی نسل کے لوگوں میں بھی خامیاں تھیں مگر وہ انہوں نے دُور کر لیں۔ ہم کیسے کریں؟

یہ سوال مجھے کچھ عرصہ پہلے ایک نوجوان طالب علم کی طرف سے ایمیل میں موصول ہوا۔ اُردو بلاگ کی ابتدائی پوسٹس اِسی سوال کا جواب ہیں: تعلیم کا مقصد یہ ہونا چاہیے کہ ہمیں اپنے معاشرے کی باگ ڈور سنبھالنے کے قابل بنائے۔ اس کے لیے ضروری ہے کہ ہم اپنے معاشرے کے بارے میں جانتے ہوں اور معاشرے کی اجتماعی رائے پر عمل درآمد کروانے کے لیے تیار بھی ہوں۔

میں سمجھتا ہوں کہ میں جو کچھ بھی کہہ سکتا ہوں وہ اس مختصر سی بات میں آ جاتا ہے۔ باقی محض تشریح ہے، سو وہ بھی پیش کر رہا ہوں۔

اپنے معاشرے کے بارے میں جاننے کی چیزیں پانچ ہیں: تاریخ، ادب، سیاست، مذہب و سائنس اور تعلیم۔

تاریخ کا مطلب ہے کہ ہماری قوم نے اجتماعی طور پر کون کون سے اہداف مقرر کیے اور انہیں کس طرح حاصل کیا۔
ادب اُس چیز کا نام ہے جو ہمیں یہ بتاتی ہے کہ جو ہدف قوم نے اپنایا ہے اُس میں کون سے آئیڈیلز یعنی مقاصد چُھپے ہوئے ہیں۔
سیاست اُن آئیڈیلز کو عملی جامہ پہناتی ہے جو ہمارے ادب سے برآمد ہوتے ہیں۔
مذہب اور سائنس اُس حقیقت کے معانی سمجھاتے ہیں جو مندرجہ بالا عمل سے ہمارے اطراف میں وجود پاتی ہے۔
تعلیم ان معانی کو اگلی نسل تک پہنچانے کا نام ہے۔

اگر ہم اپنے معاشرے کے بارے میں یہ پانچ چیزیں جانتے ہوں تو ہم کہہ سکتے ہیں کہ ہم معاشرے کو جان گئے۔ ورنہ نہیں جانے۔

ہم کیوں نہیں مانتے؟

2011-11-14T11:34:00.006+05:00

پچھلی پوسٹ میں عرض کیا تھا کہ ہماری دو مشکلیں ہیں: ہم جانتے نہیں اور ہم مانتے نہیں۔

کچھ ماہ پہلے میں نے اپنے بعض روشن خیال دوستوں کو پمفلٹ تقسیم کرتے ہوئے دیکھا جس پر ایک ایسا مطالبہ تحریر تھا جسے پاکستانی عوام کی اکثریت شاید کبھی قبول نہ کرتی۔ مطالبہ کرنے والے دوستوں نے اپنے لیے جمہوری فورم یا کوئی ایسا ہی نام تجویز کیا تھا۔ میں نے پوچھا، "جمہوریت سے آپ کی مراد اکثریت کی حکومت ہے ناں؟" انہوں نے بھڑک کر جواب دیا، "ہرگز نہیں۔" یہ بڑی بدقسمتی ہے پاکستانی عوام کی۔ انہیں جمہوریت کے نام پر جمہوریت سے محروم کیا جاتا ہے۔

روشن خیال طبقے کے خیال میں عوام اِس لیے فیصلہ کرنے کے قابل نہیں ہیں کیونکہ مذہبی ہیں۔ دوسری طرف مذہبی طبقہ انہی عوام کو فیصلے کے حق سے محروم کرنے کے لیے یہ الزام لگاتا ہے کہ یہ مذہب سے دُور ہیں۔

اس ملک کی آزادی برقرار رکھنا چاہتے ہیں تو دو اصول قائم کیجیے: اول، معاشرے میں وہ ہو گا جو معاشرہ چاہے گا۔ دوم، آپ کو اُس کی آزادی ہونی چاہیے جو آپ چاہیں۔

دوسروں کی بات چھوڑیے۔ کیا آپ یہ دونوں اُصول اپنانے پر تیار ہیں؟ مجھے آپ کی رائے کا انتظار رہے گا۔ اس دوران آپ یہ ویڈیو دیکھیے۔ اِس کی خاص بات یہ ہے کہ اِس میں میرے ایک اُستاد بھی موجود ہیں۔

تعلیم کس چیز کی؟

2011-11-07T04:24:00.008+05:00

ہم مشرق کے مسکینوں کا دِل مغرب میں جا اٹکا ہے

پچھلی پوسٹ میں عرض کیا تھا کہ تعلیم کا مقصد یہ ہونا چاہیے کہ ہم اپنے ملک کی باگ ڈور سنبھال سکیں۔ اس کے لیے دو باتیں ضروری ہیں: اپنے معاشرے کے بارے میں جانتے ہوں، اور مانتے ہوں۔

کوئی غیر قوم بھی کہیں حکومت کرتی ہے تو اُس معاشرے کے بارے میں گہری معلومات حاصل کرتی ہے۔ البتہ ضروری نہیں کہ وہ اُس معاشرے کی خواہشات کا احترام بھی کرتی ہو۔

انگریزوں نے جنگِ پلاسی کے کچھ ہی عرصہ بعد کلکتہ میں فورٹ ولیم کالج قائم کر لیا تھا جس کا مقصد انگریز افسروں کو برِصغیر کے رہن سہن، زبان، مذہب اور تاریخ وغیرہ کے بارے میں معلومات فراہم کرنا تھا۔

چنانچہ انگریز افسران اس ملک کے بارے میں اچھی خاصی معلومات حاصل کرتے تھے، یہاں کے رہن سہن سے واقف ہوتے تھے یہاں تک کہ ان میں سے بعض اُردو میں شاعری بھی کرتے تھے۔ تب کہیں انگریز یہاں حکومت کرنے کے قابل ہوئے۔

وہ غیر تھے۔ اب ہم اپنے گریبان میں جھانک کر دیکھیں کہ اپنے معاشرے کے بارے میں کیا اُتنی بھی آگاہی ہمیں ہے جتنی انگریز افسروں کو ہوتی تھی؟

یہ ہماری پہلی مشکل ہے کہ ہم اپنے بارے میں جانتے نہیں ہیں۔ ہماری دوسری مشکل یہ ہے کہ ہم اپنی بات مانتے نہیں ہیں۔ اُس کے بارے میں اگلی دفعہ عرض کروں گا۔ انتظار فرمایے:۔

تعلیم کا مقصد

2011-11-04T06:46:00.014+05:00

یہ گدھا نہیں ہمارا معیارِ تعلیم ہے۔
بلند ہو رہا ہے۔

ہم اپنا معیارِ تعلیم کس طرح بلند کر رہے ہیں، تصویر ملاحظہ فرمایے۔

گاڑی ہمارا تعلیمی نظامِ ہے، اُس کے آگے جو معزز جانور بندھا ہوا ہے وہ ہمارا معیارِ تعلیم ہے۔ گاڑی میں اِتنے بنڈل رکھ دیے گئے ہیں کہ بیچارہ معیارِ تعلیم ہوا میں معلق ہو گیا ہے۔ ستاروں سے آگے جہاں اور بھی ہیں، شائد یہ وہاں پہنچ جائے کیونکہ اب اِس کا رُخ آسمانوں کی طرف ہو گیا ہے۔ مگر زمین پر تو دو قدم بھی آگے نہیں بڑھ سکتا۔

تعلیم کو سب اچھا کہتے ہیں مگر کوئی نہیں بتاتا کہ تعلیم کا مقصد کیا ہے۔ گھسی پٹی باتیں مت کیجیے۔ اچھا انسان وغیرہ بننے کے لیے تعلیم کوئی شرط نہیں۔ تہذیب اور شائستگی میں بھی آج کل تو اَن پڑھ لوگ انگریزی پڑھے ہوئے نوجوانوں سے آگے نظر آتے ہیں۔ دنیاوی کامیابی کی بات بھی مت کیجیے کہ بقول ابن انشا: تعلیم بڑی دولت ہے مگر جس کے پاس تعلیم ہوتی ہے اُس کے پاس دولت کیوں نہیں ہوتی اور جس کے پاس دولت ہوتی ہے اُس کے پاس تعلیم کیوں نہیں ہوتی؟

تعلیم کا صرف ایک ہی مقصد ہو سکتا ہے۔ وہ یہ ہے کہ آپ اپنے معاشرے کی باگ ڈور سنبھالنے کے قابل ہو سکیں۔ آپ جہاں رہتے ہیں وہاں کے حکمراں بن جائیں۔

مطلب یہ نہیں ہے کہ آپ الیکشن لڑ کر پارلیمنٹ میں ضرور پہنچیں۔ بلکہ جس شعبے میں بھی ہوں اپنے ملک کو چلانے، اُس کی راہ متعین کرنے اور معاشرے کے بارے میں فیصلے کرنے میں آپ اُتنا ہی حصہ لے رہے ہوں جتنا کہ حکومت۔ بلکہ حکومت کا کام صرف آپ کے فیصلوں کو نافذ کرنا ہو۔

کیا ہماری تعلیم ہمیں اِس کے لیے تیار کرتی ہے؟ کیا یہ تعلیم ہمیں اِن معانی میں یا کسی بھی معانی میں "حکمرانی" کے قابل بناتی ہے؟

یہ مت کہیے کہ ہمارا معاشرہ ہی ایسا ہے کہ صرف جاہل اور دولتمند منتخب کیے جاتے ہیں۔ محمد علی جناح سے زیادہ ووٹ کس نے حاصل کیے ہوں گے؟ علامہ اقبال بھی اسمبلی کا الیکشن لڑے اور کامیاب ہوئے۔ ہمارے پہلے وزیراعظم ایک نواب کے بیٹے سہی مگر وزیراعظم بننے تک اُن کے پاس شاید صرف پھوٹی کوڑی ہی رہ گئی تھی اور مَرتے ہوئے تو بیوی بچوں کے لیے سر چھپانے کو چھَت بھی نہیں چھوڑ کر گئے۔

وہ ہمارا آغاز تھا۔ اگر اُس کے بعد جاہل، ظالم اور حرام خور ہم پر حکومت کرنے لگے تو وجہ یہی تھی کہ انگریزوں کے جاتے ہی ہم نے نظامِ تعلیم بدل دیا۔ یہ اچھی بات تھی۔ مگر دانشوروں کی عقلوں پر پتھر پڑے ہوئے تھے کہ نیا نظامِ تعلیم بھی مغربی ماہرین ہی سے بنوایا۔ یعنی شکار خود شکاری کے پاس گیا کہ رنجش ہی سہی، دل ہی دُکھانے کے لیے آ۔

ذرا اُردو بازار کا چکر لگا کر پرانی درسی کتابیں تلاش کیجیے۔ معلوم ہو گا کہ 1953کے لگ بھگ ہماری درسی کتابیں موسسہ فرینکلن کی مدد سے تیار ہونے لگی تھیں۔ سِلور برڈٹ کمپنی دیدہ زیب کتابیں اُردو میں تیار کر کے ہمیں دے رہی تھی۔ غیر کی دہلیز پر ماتھا ٹیکنے سے معیارِ تعلیم بلند ہو رہا تھا۔

ہمارا معیارِ تعلیم اُسی طرح بلند ہوا جیسے تصویر میں گدھے کے پاوں بلند ہوئے ہیں۔ تعلیم نے ہمیں یہ نہیں سکھایا کہ اپنے ملک کی گاڑی کو دو قدم بھی آگے کیسے بڑھایا جاتا ہے۔ اپنے معاشرے کے لیے کوئی نئی راہ اختیار کرنی ہو تو کیسے کرتے ہیں؟

آپ نے بھی تعلیم حاصل کی ہے۔ کیا آپ کو معلوم ہے کہ ملک پر حکومت کیسے کی جاتی ہے؟ نہیں معلوم ناں۔ آئیے اِسی بات پر ویڈیو دیکھتے ہیں:

تعلیم ایک زہر

2011-11-02T07:06:00.004+05:00

اُردو میں بلاگ لکھنے کا مجھے تجربہ نہیں ہےلیکن محسوس ہوتا ہے کہ بعض باتیں

اُردو میں زیادہ دلچسپ معلوم ہوں گی۔ اس لیے "تاحکمِ ثانی" اس بلاگ کو اُردو کے لیے مختص کیا جاتا ہے۔

ایک وجہ یہ بھی ہے کہ پرائیویٹ چینلوں کی وجہ سے نئی نسل اُس اُردو سے بالکل دُور ہو رہی ہے جو ہماری نسل کو سرکاری ٹی وی اور ریڈیو وغیرہ کی بدولت مفت میسر تھی۔ یہ الفاظ "تاحکم ثانی" اور "٘مختص" اسی ورثے کا حصہ ہیں جو بچپن میں پی ٹی وی کے خبرنامے میں اتنی دفعہ سنے کہ یہ پوسٹ لکھتے ہوئے بلاوجہ استعمال کرنے کو دل چاہا۔ چنانچہ ایک خیال یہ بھی ہے کہ شاید اُردو میں بلاگ لکھ کر نوجوان پڑھنے والوں کو اُردو سے قریب لانے کی اُس کوشش میں حصہ لے سکوں جو بہت سے دل جلے اور دردمند آج کل کر رہے ہیں [ان میں سے

بعض اگر کرنا چھوڑ دیں تو اُردو دوبارہ مقبول ہو جائے گی]۔

بات کُھل گئی ہے تو کیوں نہ کُھل کر کی جائے۔ وہ تمام لوگ جو یہ بلاگ پڑھ رہے ہیں اُن میں سے جن کی عمر تیس برس سے کم ہے میں اُن سب سے یہ کہہنا چاہتا ہوں کہ آپ کو کالجوں اور یونیورسٹیوں میں جو کچھ بھی پڑھایا جاتا ہے اور پڑھایا گیا ہے وہ آپ کو ملک اور قوم کے کسی کام آنے میں مدد نہیں دے سکتا۔ خواہ آپ کا مضمون کوئی بھی رہا ہو، اساتذہ کوئی بھی رہے ہوں اور خواہ آپ نے کہیں سے بھی پڑھا ہو۔

مجھے اس بات میں شبہ نہیں کہ خدا کی مہربانی سے پاکستان میں ابھی ایسے بہت سے اساتذہ ہر سطح پر موجود ہیں جو صحیح رہنمائی کر سکتے ہیں۔ آپ کو بھی میسر آئے ہوں گے۔ لیکن اُن کی وہی باتیں آپ کے کسی کام آ سکی ہیں جن کا تعلق نصاب سے نہیں تھا۔

گزشتہ پچیس برسوں سے جو نصاب ہمارے تعلیمی اداروں میں رائج ہیں وہ نصاب نہیں، زہر ہیں۔ اگر آپ نے کسی اعلیٰ ادارے میں تعلیم حاصل کی تو اعلیٰ درجے کا زہر پیا ہے۔ ادنیٰ ادارے میں تعلیم پائی تو ادنیٰ زہر پیا ہے۔ اگر ملک سے باہر کے کسی ادارے سے ڈگری پانے کی توفیق ملی تو سمجھیے کہ درآمدشدہ زہر پیا۔ لیکن اگر آپ یہ سمجھتے ہیں کہ تعلیم ایک زہر نہیں ہے تو سب سے پہلے یہی غلط فہمی اپنے ذہن سے نکال دیجیے تاکہ آپ دوبارہ زندہ ہو جائیں۔

ممکن ہے آپ کو یہ بات کچھ عجیب لگے۔ بالخصوص جو لوگ میرے انگریزی بلاگ پڑھنے کے عادی ہیں انہیں شاید کافی فرق محسوس ہو۔ مجبوری ہے۔ زبان کے ساتھ لہجہ بھی بدل جاتا ہے۔

بہرحال آج مجھے اسی بات سے آغاز کرنا ہے کہ تعلیم ایک زہر ہے۔ اس کا یہ مطلب نہیں کہ آپ تعلیم حاصل نہ کریں۔ آخر سگریٹ بھی زہر ہے مگر لوگ پیتے ہیں۔ کچھ عرصہ پہلے ایک شخص سے ملاقات ہوئی تھی۔ اُس کی ملازمت یہی تھی کہ اونچی اونچی محفلوں میں جا کر لوگوں کو ایک مخصوص برانڈ کے سگریٹ پینے کی ترغیب دے۔ اُس برانڈ والے اُسے بڑی معقول رقم دیتے تھے۔ چنانچہ اُس شخص کے لیے تو سگریٹ کا زہر پینا اپنے پیشے کے لحاظ سے ایک مجبوری تھی جس کی بدولت اُسے کلفٹن میں گھر اور نئی گاڑی ملی ہوئی تھی۔ اسی طرح تعلیم بھی ضرور حاصل کرنی چاہیے جس طرح اُس شخص کو سگریٹ ضرور پینی چاہیے جس کی آمدنی کا انحصار ہی سگریٹ پینے اور پلانے پر ہے۔

لیکن وہ شخص بڑی غلطی کرے گا اگر سمجھنے لگے کہ سگریٹ پینے سے پھیپھڑے مضبوط ہوتے ہیں، دل کی بیماریاں دُور ہوتی ہیں اور کینسر کا علاج ہو جاتا ہے۔ بالکل ایسی ہی غلطی اُس بیچارے کی ہو گی جو سمجھے کہ تعلیم حاصل کرنے کی وجہ سے اُس کے علم میں اضافہ ہوا ہے یا سمجھ بڑھ گئی ہے۔

کل پرسوں مزید فرصت ملتے ہی اگلی قسط پیش کروں گا تاکہ بات واضح ہو جائے۔ فی الحال آپ ڈنٹونک کا اشتہار دیکھیے۔ کسی نے اپنے دل کی "ایک" مراد پوری کرنے کے لیے یُوٹیوب پر چڑھایا ہے۔ آمین۔

The Cinema of Rumi

2011-09-23T08:57:00.002+05:00

This is an impressionistic representation of what Pakistani cinema possibly stood for in its Golden Age (1966-86).

If the video doesn't appear here, please watch it at Youtube:

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f8qd4KRjg6c

The Attack on Pakistan Navy

2011-05-23T15:16:00.000+05:00

Dawn.com reports that the attack on Pakistan Navy's installment in Karachi, which started last night, has come to an end.

The 14-hour long siege of the Navy's sensitive installation raises some pertinent questions: most importantly about the role of media in Pakistan. Can we say that the way the media covered the event, and the spirit in which it was being analyzed, was up to the mark?

Personally, I felt that some of the analysts were insensitive and condescending. They were complaining that the Pakistan Navy did not offer complete information about what was going on inside its besieged complex. Some of the gurus complaining in this manner were the most sought-after media persons. Could they not realize that this was not a cricket match.

What about the need to remind the people to stay calm? The need to reinforce national unity? The need to reinforce discipline, herd-instinct and showing a good civil sense?

This was a small showdown. There can be a bigger event in the future. The question we may have to ask is whether our media is capable of playing the role the media of any country is required to play in the face of a national crisis?

The Cinema of Politics

2011-01-26T02:21:00.003+05:00

The following is my article published in Dawn Images on Sunday, January 16, 2011.

How did the New Year arrive thirty years ago? It was 1981. The interest-free banking got introduced that day. The new Islamic century had also started a few weeks earlier, and the media was abuzz with relevant content. Since the state-controlled PTV was the only available television channel, the nation had no choice except to watch the faith-strengthening programs – along with some very entertaining ones, such as the hilarious Fifty Fifty (and Show-Sha, the debut stage show of the host Anwar Maqsood, starting a few days after the New Year).

Then, of course, there was form of diversion that would happen when a rented VCR – a prohibited item at that time – was sneaked into a household, and the entire neighborhood might gather around it for watching some illegally imported movie. The pious and the innocent had started turning their backs on the national film industry, in favor of Indian movies.

This winter of our discontent was warmed up a bit by the “summer of ’42”. Nahin Abhi Nahin, directed by the progressive Pakistani filmmaker Nazrul Islam, had been released a few weeks earlier. It had introduced newcomers Faisal Rehman (known by the screen-name “Armaan” at that time), Ayaz and Fauzia Ahmad (known by the screen-name “Aarzoo”). These kids were the talk of the town, and a tie-in advertisement of a certain paan masala had popularized them even among those who had not seen the movie. The movie itself was not perceived to be anything but a coming-of-age comedy at that time, but was it just that? Or did it have some political connotations that were missed by the suspecting censors and may only be discovered in retrospect?

The story begins with the Aligarh syndrome of a poor couple from a village wanting higher education for their son, Armaan (literally meaning aspiration, and apparently an allusion to the 1966 blockbuster movie of that title).

The son grows up, is sent to live in a hostel in the city and accompanies his street-smart roommate Bobby (Ayaz) to a park where the authorities have prohibited the plucking of flowers. “These excessive prohibitions are conspiracy hatched against us by a few fanatics," says Bobby. An old gentleman interrupts him compassionately, "No, my son. This is how we, who are your elders, are offering you guidance." When Armaan takes sides with the old man, Bobby responds by singing a song which, at least in retrospect, can be taken as the most poignant criticism of General Zia's version of "Islamization" to come out during that period: “Kuchh bhi karo yeh rokayn…” (“Whatever we do, they stop us; and object to each and everything; they have got nothing else to do; but they are from a time bygone, and this is a new age, so you better salute it!”). Armaan actually “salutes” the “new age” and is chastised by the memory of a beating from his father (perhaps reminiscent of the famous lashing of the rebels in the earlier days of the martial law regime?).

Armaan wears a burqa while Bobby dons a shirwani and false moustaches so that they may look older and be allowed entry to a theater where the famously tantalizing movie from the Hollywood, Summer of ’42, is being shown “for adults only”. Likewise, the innocent-looking schoolgirl Aarzoo, who develops a liking for Armaan, has very little appetite for the hardcover books handed down to her by her moralizing father, and prefers the thrillers written by James Hadley Chase (the Corgi editions published in those days used to come with notoriously revealing pictures on their covers). In her dream she sings to Armaan, “Bun jao tum filmstar…” (“Become a filmstar…”) but wakes up with a disturbed mind when, in the same dream, she envisions his later years filled with problems stereotypically related with showbiz fame: alcohol, women and loss of true love.

Did these confused fantasies not foreshadow what was actually going to happen soon after the end of the 11-year-long Islamization of General Zia? The schoolgirls of the early 1980s have grown up pretty much the way Aarzoo would have: they are the middle class women of today who patronize Indian soap serials and “permissive” reality shows, while complaining at the same time that the media is corrupting the morals.

Shabnam, the great legend of our silver screen, was presented as herself – in a manner of speaking. As the most popular living legend of our silver screen, she may well deserve to be remembered as the nearest female equivalent of Waheed Murad. In Nahin Abhi Nahin, she is given her own name – “Ms. Shabnam”. Her personal life is depicted, not necessarily as it was in reality, but almost certainly as the cine-goers of the period would have fantasized about it. She is shown to be living independently in a luxury apartment, painting pictures for a living and hanging out in posh restaurants with her female friends. She is easily moved, and has a kind heart, but also possesses a well-developed sense of moral responsibility.

This is the older woman whose gestures of kindness are misinterpreted by Armaan, apparently because the boy’s head is filled with fantasies borrowed from the Hollywood and he cannot help imagining Shabnam as “Dorothy” of Summer of ’42. Armaan’s quest after her – with haunting lyrics from Suroor Barabankvi and music from Robin Ghosh, ‘Saman who khwab sa saman’ – may well mirror the anxieties of the generation growing up under rigid laws and finding its personal space in permissive fantasies. The struggle of Armaan and Bobby to grow up “before their time” (a recurring motif in the film) was remarkably in sync with an era when unrest was boiling up in colleges and universities, mainly over political matters that were not usually seen as the legitimate concerns for students.

Regrettably, just as Armaan fails to realize that Shabnam is not Dorothy, we may have failed to see the difference between our filmmakers and their foreign counterparts. Despite its superb entertainment value and a liberal attitude towards life, Nahin Abhi Nahin is a moral agenda rooted in the vision of the founding fathers of the country. Rather than sounding out of place, Armaan seems to be truly presenting the essence of the whole movie when he speaks his last lines to Aarzoo: “Our elders are right. Flowers that bloom before their time also die premature. I shall eat this fruit but no, not just now (nahin abhi nahin).”

Cornelius of Pakistan

2011-01-14T14:47:00.002+05:00

The following is my article published as Friday Feature, 'Cornelius and Sharia Law', in today's Dawn, p.6.

When America was a new nation, foreign observers usually remarked on the widespread popularity of the legal profession in the new state.

In 1968, American political scientist Ralph Braibanti observed a similar phenomenon in new states like Pakistan and India: a remarkably large number of people seemed to be involved in the legal profession and the “legal mode of thought” seemed to be a distinguishing feature of the new nations. Braibanti also noticed a difference. While most studies about the United States in its early days had paid attention to the role of the legal profession in shaping society, “the study of legal institutions and the legal community [had] been neglected in analyses of the political development of new states” (such as Pakistan). Unfortunately, this area remains conspicuously absent from our studies even today: except for a few politically significant events, we seldom bother to learn about how our legal institutions have developed and affected our society.

Understandably, the “legal mode of thought” in the first 20 years was dominated by two opposite currents: pro-secular and pro-Islamic. A peaceful co-existence of these two currents is precisely what distinguishes the first 20 years (1947 to 1966) from the next twenty (1967-1987), when the two currents became increasingly divergent in Pakistan.

The pro-secular tendency was apparently inherited from the colonial past, and was widespread among the intelligentsia and the educated. For a number of reasons it has been epitomised by Justice Muhammad Munir (1895-1979), who was the main author of the Munir Report (1954) about the anti-Ahmedi riots in Punjab. The report has long been hailed as a masterpiece of secular values.

Therefore, it is often seen as a matter of surprise that the same judge, after being promoted as the Chief Justice of Pakistan, upheld the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly by Governor-General Ghulam Muhammad soon thereafter. Yet, it might help to remember that Munir`s argument in favour of dictatorship — his famous `Doctrine of Necessity` that provided excuse to all subsequent dictators — was also rooted in his western learning just like his secularism (he supported his argument on a maxim of the 13th century British jurist Henry de Bracton).

That it was left to a Christian to present the case of Islam at the highest ladder of jurisprudence in the formative phase of the Pakistan would be regarded by some as a paradox, and by others as corroboration of Quaid-i-Azam`s dream. Alvin Robert Cornelius (1903-1991), Chief Justice of Pakistan from 1960 to 1968, was a relentless defender of Sharia, and arguably played the most important role in inculcating some Islamic values in the legal institutions of Pakistan.

The cornerstones of his legal philosophy may be summarised in three points: (a) Law has a moral function in society; (b) Law should be culture-sensitive; and (c) Islam is a valid foundation for a universal society. How he built upon these simple ideas in his 57 speeches and papers, and how he demonstrated them through his judgments, is what makes him arguably one of the greatest legal philosophers.

In 1954, when the bench headed by Chief Justice Munir upheld the decision of the Governor-General to dissolve the constituent assembly, Cornelius was the only judge to write a note of dissent. Four years later, when the same court upheld the case of Dosso against the martial law authorities, Cornelius wrote a concurrent judgment (i.e. he agreed with the decision but felt the need to explain himself separately). He observed that fundamental human rights are inalienable, and cannot be suspended even by martial law. This point of view was so different from the rest that it was later seen as a “note of dissent”.

However, Cornelius` concept of inalienable rights seems to be slightly different from how the issue is usually projected. He was of the opinion that the people deserved to feel secure that law shall safeguard their cherished values and norms. In `Crime and Punishment of Crime`, the paper which he read at an international conference in Sydney in August 1965, he mentioned several cases to indicate “the extent to which the law supports the indigenous disciplines operating in our society, through the authority of the elders.” For similar reasons, he defended the indigenous institution of jirga as well as the punishments prescribed by Sharia for crimes like theft and robbery.

Acutely aware of the tendency to treat each individual as an island, Cornelius offered a few words of caution to his international audience, and his words reflected the ethos of his new nation that had come into being with the specific goal of rediscovering society as an organic unity. “It must be recognised that crime is a biological fact of society, whether ancient or modern,” he said. “It grows out of social condition and is not to be contained without the most careful examination of its etiology… In that process, it would be well not to reject, out of hand as being out-dated, the principles and techniques laid down and applied by the ancients, for dealing with the problem in their times. They may have their uses, and certainly in eastern countries, they still possess validity.”

Why Islamic State

2011-01-08T21:05:00.003+05:00

If certain features of “Islamic state” (as conceived by the founding fathers of Pakistan) overlap variously with theocracy, secularism and socialism, why not start with one of those? Many answers to this pertinent question are scattered throughout the writings and statements of Allama Iqbal, Quaid-i-Azam, Liaquat Ali Khan and other leaders of the Pakistan movement. Here, we may look at three of the simplest answers.

Firstly, the founding fathers believed that Western democracy (of which secularism is a corollary) played a very important role in history but had failed by the early decades of the twentieth century (Iqbal’s observations about the “reaction against democracy in England and France” have already been shared in some recent posts of this newsletter. Quaid was of the same opinion as will be seen here).

Secondly, if Western democracy had failed, obviously the world needed fresh input for the sake of freedom, equality and liberty. This fresh input, according to the founding fathers, was an “Islamic state”.

The following is one of the dozens of statements of Quaid which can be used for understanding the two above-mentioned points:

In Pakistan we shall have a state which will be run according to the principles of Islam. It will have its cultural, political and economic structure based on the principles of Islam. The non-Muslims need not fear because of this, for fullest justice will be done to them, they will have their full cultural, religious, political and economic rights safeguarded. As a matter of fact they will be more safeguarded than in the present-day so-called democratic parliamentary form of Government. (Bombay, February 1, 1943; quoted in Secular Jinnah and Pakistan by Saleena Karim on p.136).

The third reason was that the people wanted it (minus, perhaps, “the intelligentsia and the so-called educated”). Liaquat Ali Khan stated it best when he told an American audience in 1950:

We do not have to present this ideology to our people as a new manifesto. The principles I have stated are part and parcel of Islam and when we say that we want to follow the Islamic way of life what we mean is that we could not possibly do otherwise. (N.B. This quote is not from Saleena Karim's book).

By the way, if one thinks that only Muslim masses wanted this “Islamic state”, one is in for some surprise in Saleena Karim’s book – especially in Appendix II, ‘Non-Muslims on Jinnah and Pakistan’. The letters written to Quaid by a Lahore-based native Christian woman and from a Hindu in Darjeeling are eye-openers.

Just to check how much you know about Pakistan, try making a guess which prominent Pakistani Christian wrote the following words – as late as November 1977:

If you have looked at the basic doctrine of Islam, its truth and strength-in-simplicity, the potencies for growth, spiritual integrity for the individual, outward and visible power through unity for the community, that are built into its rituals of namaz [prayer], the fast and the pilgrimage, which are still being extensively practiced, the reason for the current of Islamicization [“Islamization”] in Muslim countries, that have re-sensed their identity and place in the World, will become apparent.

Yes, these words were written by a Pakistani Christian who was one of the most prominent public figures in our history. Turn to pp.261-2 of the book to find out who was he (and hopefully, there will be more about him in some future post of this newsletter).

Islamic State (2)

2011-01-07T10:16:00.001+05:00

Presented in the previous post were a few salient features of an “Islamic state” as conceived by the founding fathers of Pakistan – especially Iqbal, Quaid-i-Azam and Liaquat Ali Khan. Looking at these features, we find that some of these overlap with secularism, some with theocracy and some with socialism.

This could be one of the three major reasons why the founding fathers’ vision was seldom understood by the intelligentsia. Already by 1947, the Muslim intelligentsia of the sub-continent had become sharply divided between secularist, conservative and socialist positions. Each of these groups saw only what it wanted to see in the statements of Iqbal and Quaid-i-Azam (and very often disregarding Liaquat Ali Khan altogether).

To say that the founding fathers of Pakistan wanted it to be a secular, theocratic or socialist state was equally wrong. Such a statement could only border on intellectual dishonesty. Secular Jinnah and Pakistan by Saleena Karim furnishes ample examples of such intellectual dishonesty – most famously committed by none less than a chief justice of Pakistan who attributed a “fake” quote to Quaid-i-Azam.

The Quaid may have foreseen this too. “Corruption is a curse in India and amongst Muslims, especially the so-called educated and intelligentsia,” he had written to his friend M. A. H. Ispahani in 1945. “Unfortunately, it is this class that is selfish and morally and intellectually corrupt.” (Quoted by Saleena Karim on p.133; emphasis is mine). This seems to be the second reason why the founding fathers’ concept of “Islamic State” got thrown into oblivion.

A third reason could be that this was a vision of the Islamic state as constantly developing through history – through “deed” of the masses rather than “ideas” of the elite. Grasping an ever-changing concept is a difficult thing, especially when it also requires us to be non-judgmental towards the less privileged.

This series of review will be concluded in the next post.

Islamic State (1)

2011-01-03T10:06:00.011+05:00

Allama Iqbal, Qauid-i-Azam and Liaquat Ali Khan believed that the features of an Islamic state in modern times would include the following.

SOVEREIGNTY: Sovereignty belongs to God, which means that the people as well as the state must treat the entire humanity as family and cannot adopt policies that refute this organic unity of the humankind.
DEMOCRACY: Democracy is the most important aspect of Islam regarded as a political ideal, and therefore the state must be ruled by representatives chosen by the people.
EQUALITY BEFORE LAW: Non-Muslims can also become executive heads (such as prime ministers) as long as they get themselves duly elected. However, the state may restrict the office of the ceremonial head (such as President without any real power) exclusively to Muslims.
SOCIAL JUSTICE: Not only illegal means of acquiring wealth should be outlawed but also all forms of economic exploitation: the state must ensure economic equality through “Islamic socialism”.
INNOVATION: Islamic state is constantly evolving through history, and it may take some other form in future (possibly where government is not needed anymore). However, the development can only be towards more empowerment of the people, and greater democracy, rather than the other way around.

Is this really Islam? Did Iqbal, Quaid and Liaquat Ali Khan actually believe this? If so, why didn’t we know? These are the most common questions that come up whenever I discuss these ideas.

Usually, I do not answer the first question. I believe that every Muslim has the right to interpret religion in their own way, and also has the right to consult a religious scholar out of free will. I am not a “religious scholar” as such, and my role as a historian ends on telling whether or not a certain idea was shared by some people in the past.

I know it as a historical fact that Iqbal, Quaid and Liaquat Ali Khan were unanimous on the above-mentioned concepts but whether they were right or wrong is not for me to judge.

The good news is that all three questions (and many, many, more) have been answered – elegantly and at length, with all the supporting evidence needed for the discussion – in Secular Jinnah and Pakistan: What the Nation Doesn’t Know by the distinguished researcher, Saleena Karim.

In the previous post I shared my observation that contrary to some other interesting studies about the Quaid, this one doesn’t make a painful reading for an average Pakistani. You may or may not agree with the author, but nowhere shall you feel as if she is unsympathetic to your religious sentiments, or trying to impose her views. Besides, the enormous amount of archival material presented here is valuable for its own sake. This includes excerpts from the writings, speeches and statements of the founding fathers; passages from parliamentary debates; arguments from Quran, and much else beside.

In the presence of this book, it shall become increasingly difficult for anyone to prove that the above-mentioned five points about an Islamic state were not shared by the founding fathers of Pakistan (just for record: the statements here are worded by me, but I hope that I was correct in inferring them from the book).

So, let’s move on to the last question: if this was the founding fathers’ idea of an Islamic state, why didn’t we know? This shall be discussed in the next post, but here is a hint: the answer is in the five statements themselves. Look again.

Secular Jinnah

2010-12-31T22:49:00.004+05:00

Never judge a book by its cover, they say. Imagine a child who is interested in Yeti, comes upon a tantalizing title such as Yeti: the Abominable Snowman, and excitedly reads cover to cover only to find out that the book contains evidence to show that the abonimable snowman is a myth, and no such creature actually exists.

Remember this the next time you hear someone talk about Saleena Karim’s book, Secular Jinnah and Pakistan: What the Nation Doesn’t Know. Contrary to the title, the book is actually a well-researched and convincing study to show that “secular Jinnah” is a myth (and abonimable like the snowman: some readers might conclude)!

In my opinion, it is a book that must be read. I shall try to explain from a personal point of view why I think so.

The founder of Pakistan was the hero of those who wanted Pakistan, and therefore a villain to those who didn’t. The latter included the Western media, the Israel Lobby and Indian nationalists. Against the enormous influence of this school, the pro-Quaid point of view was bound to lose. It got buried by the early 1980s (the historical fiction, Gandhi, released on the big screen around that time, may also have contributed).

When it became too difficult to defend Pakistan and the Quaid at the same time, a new trend emerged among the pro-Quaid: never mind Pakistan, just defend Jinnah. The most well-known classics of this school include The Sole Spokesman (1984) by Ayesha Jalal; Jinnah of Pakistan (1984) by Stanley Wolpert; and the belated attempt by Jaswant Singh last year. In order to defend Jinnah internationally, some of these writers suggested that Jinnah didn’t actually want Pakistan.

Back in the 1980s, such writers were received like a breeze of fresh air. Compared to the homebred defenders of the Quaid, their work seemed to be presented with more elegance and better research. Hence, rasing the standards of research and widening the horizons was the permanent contribution of these writers, but there were drawbacks.

One of the drawbacks was the myth of “secular Jinnah”. Healthy debates are good for society, but unfortunately “some” secularists resorted to unfair means, such as a "fake" quote attributed to Jinnah by a former secularist Chief Justice of Pakistan – a "hoax" exposed by Saleena Karim in her previous work, and further explained here.

Coming out in the year 2010 – almost twenty years after Wolpert’s book got reprinted locally – Secular Jinnah and Pakistan brings things to full circle, in some ways. It gives back to the people of Pakistan their familiar Quaid-i-Azam: the father of the nation who shared their ideals and beliefs. He had been away for twenty years, but like the hero of Arthur Jones' play Silver King, he has come back more elegant and well-equipped than before. A must-read, and you may like to visit the book’s website too.

To be continued

National anthem: fact and fiction

2010-12-30T08:45:00.003+05:00

For some time now, some secularists in Pakistan have been suggesting that (a) Jinnah was in favor of secularism, and therefore (b) he commissioned a Hindu poet to write the national anthem of Pakistan but it was replaced by the present anthem after Jinnah’s death.

Therefore, it is rather serendipitous that two well-researched books should come out at the same time, each addressing a different half of this statement separately (and both having long titles, but that is beside the point):

Secular Jinnah and Pakistan: What the Nation Doesn’t Know by the British Pakistani writer Saleena Karim is a 317-page study about whether Quaid-i-Azam Jinnah wanted Pakistan to be a secular state.
Pakistan Ka Qaumi Tarana: Kiya Hai Haqeeqat, Kya Hai Fasana by Aqeel Abbas Jafri is a 104-page analytical presentation of archival resources about the national anthem of Pakistan.

The first book is in English, and the second is in Urdu, and let’s begin with the second. Although he is little known abroad, Jafri ‘s name has become synonymous with archival research in Pakistan. One of his most recent crowning achievements is the Urdu Chronicle of Pakistan, which presents a chronological illustrated history of the country since 1947.

In Qaumi Tarana (allow me to refer to the book by this short title), Jafri shows with conclusive documentary evidence that:

Pakistan did not have a national anthem in the lifetime of Jinnah.
The present national anthem was the first to be officially adopted by the state.
There is no evidence to show that any poem by Jagan Nath Azad was played from radio on 14 or 15 August at all.

Some of the findings of this book were earlier shared by Jafri in his curtain-raiser article in Urdu press (covered here in a previous post, ‘Jafri reveals the truth’). The book offers much – much – more: a fantastic trip of time travelling to the early days of Pakistan, and inside the secret vaults of classified information, all in a light and refreshing manner.

I strongly recommend it to everybody. Being a basic document about a key symbol of our sovereignty, i.e. our national anthem, it should be kept in every household (Imagine losing your domicile certificate, passport, identity card and personal documents?). The book is modestly priced at Rs.200, which is roughly the same as a full plate of Biryani plus cold drink (and minus the TIP) – so, please do not “starve” your souls.

Now, very interestingly, while explaining that his purpose is just to keep the record straight, Jafri clarifies in the preface that it would not have been unexpected if the Quaid had actually got the national anthem written by a Hindu poet, but facts are facts and history needs to be respected. In the same vein he admits: “I do not have any doubts about Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah being secular, liberal and enlightened… Since Islam is the very name of tolerance.”

This brings us to the second book, which addresses the question: Did Quaid-i-Azam want Pakistan to be a secular state (and is secularism the same thing as the “tolerance” preached by Islam)? In the next post we shall see what Saleena Karim has to say about this in Secular Jinnah and Pakistan: What the Nation Doesn’t Know.

Next: Secular Jinnah

Secular Jinnah and the National Anthem

2010-12-29T09:43:00.000+05:00

On the right you see the titles of two new publications that have just hit the stalls in Pakistan:

پاکستان کا قومی ترانہ از عقیل عباس جعفری
Secular Jinnah and Pakistan by Slaeena Karim

On the face value they may not seem to have anything in common, since one is just about the national anthem of Pakistan whereas the other seems to have a broader scope as it might be telling us all about Quaid-i-Azam’s vision of Pakistan. Personally, however, I see these two books as interconnected (but I am not suggesting in any way that the authors would also agree with this). This will be discussed in the next post.

Learn from experience

2010-12-26T03:03:00.002+05:00

2006: Female cadets at the Quaid's tomb

The following is my article published as Friday Feature in Dawn on December 24, 2010. Some of the wording may vary from the printed version.

The year 1987 was memorable because even those segments of the population who had not been much interested in politics during the various struggles for the restoration of democracy earlier in the decade were now feeling restless. This presumption was corroborated by the historic turnout during the elections that followed a year later. The elections of 1988 were the second occasion in the history of Pakistan where the results, however rigged they may have been, were at least accepted by all major contestants (the first such occasion were the elections of 1970).

In the light of the ideals indigenously developed since 1887, and the goals achieved through them, there are reasons to believe that the new goal that had appeared before the nation in 1988 was actually “emancipation” rather than anything else. This goal had to be achieved through the “inner synthesis” of diverse political experiments carried out in the previous twenty years. The ideal of to be pursued whilst in quest of the goal was “Learn through experience.”

Emancipation was the new goal. This may be concluded from the fact that according to the generally accepted views, conventional democracy (i.e. Western democracy) pre-requires a high literacy rate, which did not exist in Pakistan at that time (nor does it now). If so, then the masses had less reason to care for such democracy and more to care for the other, indigenous, variety that had already been idealized by them: it had been taught to them by the most influential teachers, preachers, poets and artists for more than a thousand years. It was the spiritual democracy, envisioned by the more genuine schools of Sufism in the past, and more recently turned into a political idea by the likes of Shah Abdul Latif Bhittai, Shah Waliullah, Waris Shah, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, Ali Brothers and Allama Iqbal. (For a detailed outline of this development, see the previous articles by the present writer published in this newspaper).

In The Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam (1930-34), Iqbal stated that for a Muslim, this idea was “a matter of convic¬tion for which even the least enlightened man among us can easily lay down his life.” Hence, the indigenous conception of democracy does not pre-require literacy or formal education, but only spiritual emancipation. Does it not seem natural that the true aspiration of the masses can only be this indigenous variety of democracy? It does not degrade them because of poor literacy rate. It has been ingrained into their consciousness by the best-loved poets and teachers in more than a thousand years.

Just as conventional democracy pre-requires literacy and education, the indigenous variety calls for spiritual emancipation (in the above-mentioned passage, Iqbal goes on to say, “in view of the basic idea of Islam that there can be no further revelation binding on man, we ought to be spiritually one of the most emancipated peoples on earth”).

Spiritual emancipation, in this sense, means emancipation in all spheres of life rather than just one. Artistic and literary, social and political, religious and legal, education and psychological emancipations collectively amount to spiritual emancipation.

In retrospect, we may recognize that we started pursuing this goal in 1987. Unlike some of the earlier goals, such as Muslim nationhood, separate electorates and Muslim homeland, the goal was not clearly stated on this occasion. Beginning with the election of a woman prime minister ahead of any other Muslim nation, the journey towards emancipation was carried out, perhaps, unknowingly for the most part. The quarrels between Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif, the work of the human rights activists and the feminists, the so-called enlightened moderation at the turn of the millennium, the emergence of an all-powerful media with its good and bad influences, and the uneasy alliances with the Western powers may all have contributed towards the achieving of our goal. The strongest factor, however, was undoubtedly the “inner synthesis” of the diverse political ideologies that had been tried out since 1967.

In the absence of a well-stated ideal, the only ideal to be pursued was to learn from experience. This was also important because the emancipation that we were trying to achieve was unprecedented. It was a long-cherished goal that had never become a reality for our society during the long centuries of tyrants and despots. Therefore, the best way forward was to learn from experience.

The benchmark came in 2006, when judicial activism of the Chief Justice of Pakistan, Iftikhar Chaudhry, prevailed upon the combined whim of a native military ruler and the sole super power on earth, and made them answerable in a court of law for “the missing persons”, most of whom were not only insignificant citizens, but also disfavored citizens.

As if to symbolize the ethos of the past twenty years, six women cadets and a Sikh gentleman cadet were seen among the contingent that took over guard duties on the mausoleum of the Quaid-i-Azam on 25 December 2006. The 130th birth anniversary of the founder of Pakistan was indeed a good day to mark the end of a stage in the history of the nation, and to start preparation of the next stage. “Emancipation”, which was the goal achieved in the past twenty years, was soon going to become a tool for achieving the next goal, and a new ideal would then be pursued.

From Pakistan, with Love

2010-12-05T19:47:00.001+05:00

The following article of mine was published in Dawn, Books & Authors today.

Ibne Safi goes international, again. In a way, he was always international since his books used to be published simultaneously from India and Pakistan. Yet his work was not available in English. Random House, India, has now started publishing Imran Series translated by Bilal Tanweer. Titled The House of Fear, the collected volume containing the first two novels is already out. Blaft Publications is coming up with some novels of Jasoosi Duniya translated by the renowned Shamsur Rehman Faruqui.

The Hindi editions are being published by Harper Collins, India. Unlike the earlier Hindi versions of the 1950s and 60s, the names of the heroes Ahmad Kamal Faridi and Ali Imran have not been changed to Vinod and Rajesh. Perhaps it is the right moment to reconsider how much was lost when the society failed to locate Safi in its literary current in the early years of independence.

He was born Asrar Ahmad in April 1928 in Nara, a small town near Allahabad. One of the earliest influences on him was Talism-i-Hoshruba, the gigantic Urdu classic (currently being translated into English with the first volume already available). The next most important influence was Rider Haggard, whose romances She and The Return of She he read soon after moving to Allahabad for higher education.

When he stared writing fiction and poetry, for a while he followed the literary trends of those days, such as the Progressive Writers’ Movement, but became disillusioned with them sometime around 1942. It seems that he had come to believe that purely speculative theories did not provide a very sound basis for collective development of societies – at least that is the impression one gets from his autobiographical essays such as ‘How Did I Start Writing’ (‘Mien Nay Likhna Kaisay Shuroo Kiya’) and ‘Baqalam Khud’ (In My Own Hand). However, he kept the company of the leading progressive writers of the area as long as he stayed in India, which was till August 1952.

The catastrophic pillage and massacre of 1947 confirmed, at least to him, his doubts about the ability of pure speculation to prevent social tragedies. “I kept thinking and thinking, and arrived at the conclusion that such things will keep happening until the human being learns to respect the law,” he later wrote.

In the late 1951, a comment by someone to the effect that only sexual stuff could sell in Urdu provoked Asrar to launch a movement against the contemporary trends of high literature. He picked up Ironsides’ Lone Hand, a detective story by Victor Gunn and adapted it according to the tastes of the reading public of Urdu, adding some literary flavor of his own and remodeling the two main characters to represent his ideals. Dilair Mujrim, published by Nakhat Publications, Allahabad, and distributed by A.H. Wheeler & Co. in March 1952, sold like hot cake. Asrar Ahmad, now using the penname “Ibne Safi” (“the Son of Safi”, since Safiullah was the name of his father) had proven his point.

He migrated to Pakistan in August the same year and spent the rest of his life in Karachi. By the time he died on July 26, 1980, he had written 246 mystery novels on stock characters Faridi, Hameed and Ali Imran. All except eight adaptations were based on original plots (by his own account), and almost all had been published simultaneously from Allahabad and Karachi, since the author remained equally popular on both sides of the border.

Literary critics labeled him a mere “popular writer” and his fiction as “pulp”. This was to overlook the fact that writers of pulp fiction seldom have explicitly reformist agendas: Ian Fleming once justified the promiscuity of James Bond by saying something to the effect that he was catering to an age where courtship was being replaced with seduction.

Not so with Ibne Safi. He was reinforcing the messages of commonly respected reformers, such as Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, Ali Brothers and Allama Iqbal, while, ironically, the writers of “high literature” were trying to outdo each other in selling sex and sadism. Also, his work touched upon a wider range of contemporary issues – and his literary allusions covered a more diverse range of art, literature and philosophy – than any other writer who ever wrote fiction in Urdu. That does not sound very “pulp” either.

These happen to be a few of the questions brushed under the carpet by the gatekeepers of the literary establishment long ago. More questions can be raised, and they are likely to be raised now that interest in the work of Ibne Safi is about to scale new heights.

Note: Online information about the life and works of Ibne Safi can be found at www.ibnesafi.info and www.wadi-e-urdu.com, both non-profit websites supported by his family, which also maintains a Face Book page at http://www.facebook.com/ibnesafi

The Parable of the Sea

2010-11-28T15:12:00.006+05:00

The following is my article published today as 'Samandar, a Parable?' in Dawn, Images.

On January 6, 1968, the government of President Ayub Khan announced that a conspiracy had been un covered between some personnel from East Pakistan and Indian politicians to overthrow the government in East Pakistan and establish an independent state of Bangladesh. Twelve days later, the popular Bengali politician Sheikh Mujibur Rehman was also implicated (he was already under arrest for almost two years, since he had suggested partial autonomy for East Pakistan in his Six Points given in March 1966).

“The young Bengalis were quieter than usual at the Dacca and Chittagong Clubs,” the American Consulate General in Dhaka wrote secretly to the US Department of State a little later. “Eid was quieter this year. Fear was in the air. Men were afraid to pass more than the barest of greetings. Once argumentative chaps endured the taunts of Punjabi and non-Bengali members.”

Against this backdrop, the film Samandar was released on March 10, 1968. It was produced by Waheed Murad, who also played the lead role and sang an unaccredited song. Shabnam, a successful talent from East Pakistan, appeared here in her first lead role in a West Pakistani production. Could the on-screen alliance between talents from the two wings be a thinly veiled parable about the federation?

There are no conclusive answers but there are some pointers. Director Rafiq Razvi was known to be a patriotic filmmaker: his best-known work was Bedari (1957), a film with explicitly patriotic agenda, whose songs are played as national songs even today ("Ae Quaid-i-Azam tera ehsan hai ehsan", to name just one).

The lyrics of Samandar were written by Sehba Akhtar, who would later write such national songs as "Mein bhi Pakistan hoon", and become known as “the Poet of Pakistan”. The music was composed by Deboo Bhatacharya. Since the two wings of the country were connected by the sea, and not by the land, the title song becomes especially symbolic: "Saathi, tera mera saathi hai lehrata samandar" (Friend, the sea is our common friend).

The story is set in a fishing colony, which could be treated as an analogy of Pakistan. Rajah (Waheed Murad) aspires for nothing except love, while his best friend Jeera (Hanif) aspires to become the next chief of the community but ends up playing into the hands of Jaggu Seth (Rashid), a foreign intruder who wants to monopolise the economy. Rajah is persuaded by the people to contest a boat race through which the next chief would be elected. Rajah wins the race, but hands over the power to his former friend after eliciting from him a promise that he would defend the community against the intruder.

If Jeera is taken as a symbolic representation of the politicians of East Pakistan, Rajah becomes a role model for their counterparts in the western wing of the country. Significantly, his love interest is Noori (Shabnam), the chief’s daughter, whom the custom requires to marry the next chief. Thus being associated with Jeera, she becomes a symbol for the land and culture of East Pakistan. In this capacity, she is balanced by Rajah’s sister Bali (Rozina), who is wooed by Jeera.

The paradox is that Rajah does not want to rule, and yet he wants the hand of Noori, who by custom should only marry the ruler. This is not unlike the challenge that the politicians of West Pakistan faced at that time, probably without grasping it: they were supposed to keep the federation without wanting to rule over it forever.

The film was released at a time when there were rumors about Ayub Khan suffering from ailments. His successor would turn out to be Yahya Khan, whose reputation of heavy drinking would even precede his real procrastination. Consciously or unconsciously, both aspects are reflected in the ailing chief in the movie, who admits, “Old age, sickness and alcohol have rendered me incapable of taking a firm stance (against the enemy).” A community ruled by an inebriated head, threatened by foreign intrusion and divided against itself through mistrust, while fear lurks in the hearts of those whose love is pure — could there be a more candid depiction of Pakistan at that hour of its existential crisis?

Rajah resolves the moral dilemma at the tomb of a local saint where the visitors are dressed to represent diverse ethnicities but the two qawwals singing the traditional Sufi song, "Damadam mast qalandar", wear Jinnah caps. Spiritual ideals translated into collective action might be the solution required for Pakistan, even today.

Carving a unified nation out of a diverse stock is like striving against the forces of nature. The human being seems to be in conflict with nature in every song of the film, until it is announced in the final one that the lamps of the people have outshone the stars, and their garden boasts of a perfume that cannot be produced by spring.

This is the promised goal of Samandar, and the film tells us how to achieve it. Whether those who delivered this message 42 years ago were thinking about the debacle of East Pakistan or not they managed to provide an insight that is as relevant today as it was then.

Unite Organically

2010-11-26T09:49:00.000+05:00

The following is my article, which appeared as Friday Feature, 'On Organic Unity' in Dawn today. The text presented here may vary from the version printed in the newspaper.

A new goal that appeared before the people of Pakistan in 1967 was to discover a synthesis of socialism and democracy through Islam. The tool for achieving it was the organic unity that Pakistan had achieved in its first twenty years as a new state. The ideal to be kept in front was to use this unity, i.e. unite organically, or through ideals. Some indicators may show us that a synthesis had occurred, in some ways, by 1986.

This may sound like a far-fetched hypothesis because we are not used to reading the history of modern Muslim thought in this manner. However, such a conclusion seems to be the only plausible one when the matter is revisited in the light of the propositions of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, Muhammad Ali Jauhar, Allama Iqbal and Quaid-i-Azam.

For that, we may begin with three essential concepts: (a) synthesis of ideologies through Islam; (b) organic unity as a human resource; and (c) definition of ideals.

When Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) was founded on 30 November and 1 December 1967, its credo was stated to be, “Islam is our religion; democracy is our politics; socialism is our economy; power lies with the people.” The intellectuals who wrote the foundational papers of the party, as well as Zulfikar Ali Bhutto who founded the party, may or may not have been aware, but the ideas mentioned in this credo had a long history in the collective consciousness of the society. As it was, Maulana Shibli Numani and Allama Iqbal had stated democracy to be the political ideal of Islam long ago, Quaid-i-Azam had talked about Islamic socialism and the very idea of Pakistan was based on the presumption that all power lied with the people.

Hence, the enormous popularity of this credo, as evident from the results of the elections of 1970 in West Pakistan, need not have meant that the people were willing to embrace a new ideology. They had not said yes to socialism, but to its synthesis with democracy and Islam (on the condition that all power remains with the people). Such a synthesis would not have been unprecedented in the history of Islam, since a primary function of Islam had always remained to be the assimilation of alien ideas and beliefs, and their re-evaluation for practical uses in Muslim cultures.

There was no reason to believe that Islam would not do the same for modern ideas and beliefs, such as Western democracy and socialism (in fact, as early as 1920, Iqbal had forewarned the Orientalist R. A. Nicholson, “Islam certainly aims at absorption. This absorption, however, is to be achieved not by territorial conquest but by the simplicity of its teaching, its appeal to the common sense of mankind and its aversion to abstruse metaphysical dogma.”)

The synthesis of ideologies had to occur in the consciences of the individuals. Indeed, that is what happened between 1967 and 1986, but it seems that the intelligentsia failed to notice it due to a “predominantly intellectual culture” (loathed by Iqbal as early as 1926). Hence, the synthesis that occurred was, in the terminology of Iqbal, “an inner synthesis of life”, but unfortunately, it has not been articulated by the intelligentsia to this date.

Mainly due to this failure on part of the intelligentsia, the process of synthesis became tedious, painful and unconscious. First, the country had to withstand the harsh socialistic measures taken by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto during his first tenure, i.e. 1971-77. Then a certain kind of Islamization was introduced by General Ziaul Haque during his regime, i.e. 1977-1987. Just a year before the end of that regime, it became obvious that all schools of thought, now also including the right-winged conservatives who had earlier played as “B-Team of the Martial Law”, had come to an agreement for a full-scale adoption of Western democracy without any indigenous modification whatsoever.

This brings us to the second concept, i.e. organic unity as a human resource. Organic unity means unity through shared ideals. Obviously, the conscience of the people must have retained something from each experiences through which the society passed collectively. While the intelligentsia failed to synthesize socialism, Islam and democracy, the masses evidently synthesized these diverse experiences at least at an unconscious level. Therefore, the synthesis has to be sought at the level of ideals, even if not in terms of day-to-day reality. In this sense, ideals are those aspirations that form in the depth of our hearts or souls. They are formed through action, and as an aid to action.

Once formed, ideals express themselves in their own way. This may also explain why the histories of Bangladesh and Pakistan, even after their separation in 1971, reveal some striking similarities. It is quite possible that despite being completely independent of each other, as self-respecting sovereign states must be, both have retained some common ideals from their common past – especially when they struggled to shape Muslim nationalism in South Asia.

Thank You, Iran

2010-11-20T11:26:00.004+05:00

Pakistan and Iran have ancient ties. The region now called Pakistan was part of the Achaemenid Commonwealth founded in 559 BC by the great Iranian visionary Cyrus the Great, who, according to some very credible interpretations, was the enlightened Zulqarnayn mentioned in the Quran.

After the advent of Islam, a majority of the people in both areas became Muslim. Since then, the cultures of Iran and the areas now included in Pakistan have had many exchanges, enriching the art and literature on both sides of the border.

Against such background, many in Pakistan would welcome, not just politically but perhaps also personally, the recent statement of the supreme leader of Iran Ayatollah Ali Khamenei about the issue of Kashmir – an issue that is so close to the conscience of the people of Pakistan.

According to a news report published on the front-page of Dawn today, Khamenei asked Muslims across the world to back the pro-liberation campaigns in Kashmir, equating the region with Afghanistan and Iraq.

He has been quoted as saying, “Today the major duty of the elite of the Ummah is to provide help to the Palestinian nation, to sympathize and provide assistance to the nations of Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iraq and Kashmir, to engage in struggle and resistance against the aggressions of the US and the Zionist regime.”

Reportedly, the Indian external affairs ministry has not been very pleased with this statement and on Friday lodged a protest with the Iranian embassy in New Delhi.

Especially for the youth of Pakistan, many among whom are turning into enthusiastic bloggers, and writers and producers of the “new media”, the best way of showing gratitude to such international support is, perhaps, to understand the issue of Kashmir objectively and to further elaborate the principle-centered stance of Pakistan on this matter.

In all the noise created by an almost senseless and irresponsible media today, we must not forget that the issue of Kashmir is not a sentimental matter for Pakistan. The issue is based on principles, and chief among those principles is the right of a people to choose their own destiny. Well-wishers abroad who express sympathy on this issue in a peaceful manner are not only showing sympathy with the plight of the people of this region but are also raising their voice for a just cause.

Respect the Law

2010-11-04T21:09:00.001+05:00

The following is my article published in Dawn on October 29, 2010, as Friday Feature, 'Respecting the Law'. Some of the wording might be slightly different from the printed version.

With the birth of Pakistan, the Muslim community of the sub-continent not only created a new country but also a new nation. The first goal of this nation was to achieve a kind of organic unity, and Pakistan itself was the tool for achieving it. Respecting the law was the ideal to be kept in front. Studying the history of Pakistan in this light, one finds many indicators suggesting that the goal was achieved by 1966.

Obviously, this requires us to understand three concepts first. They are (a) organic unity; (b) Pakistan as a tool for achieving it; and (c) the significance of respecting the law in this special context.

The organic unity intended here is based on a portion of Verse 28 of Surah Luqman (Chapter 31 of the Quran). It is translated by Iqbal as, “Your creation and resurrection are like the creation and resurrection of a single soul.” Creation and resurrection are biological concepts, and hence the kind of unity implied in this verse is a biological unity, as if entire humanity was a single organism and individuals were its parts. If such a connection exists between all human beings, then obviously it is moderating the worldly and spiritual power of each individual, whether he or she knows it or not.

Giving us awareness of this connection is the aim of religious thought, according to Iqbal. However, thought alone cannot be sufficient. We need a practical tool as well. Hence, in the preface of The Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam (1930), Iqbal wrote, “A living experience of the kind of biological unity, embodied in this verse, requires today a method physiologically less violent [than the methods devised by the past masters] and psychologically more suitable to a concrete type of mind.”

The same year, while presiding over the annual session of the All-India Muslim League at Allahabad, he seemed to be suggesting that the achievement of a Muslim homeland in the region could become, somehow, the new method through which this kind of organic unity would be realized. In his presidential address, after proposing and predicting the birth of a Muslim homeland, he went on to suggest, “One of the profoundest verses in the Holy Quran teaches us that the birth and rebirth of the whole of humanity is like the birth and rebirth of a single individual. Why cannot you who, as a people, can well claim to be the first practical exponent of this superb conception of humanity, live and move and have your being as a single individual?”

Hence, if we could “live and move and have [our] being as a single individual,” we would experience what is meant by the Quran when it says that the creation and resurrection of the humanity is like the creation and resurrection of a single soul (and it seems that neither Iqbal nor Jinnah meant to exclude the non-Muslim citizens of the Muslim homeland, since according to the Quran, this organic unity is a biological fact that moderates the existence of every individual on this planet).

If Pakistan was the tool – “a method psychologically suitable to a concrete type of mind” – for discovering this organic unity, how was this tool going to be used? The most logical answer was, by respecting the law. This was how the homeland had been achieved in the first place, and even against the bitter opposition by powerful and unfair adversaries.

The first twenty years of Pakistan present a curious case study when visited in the light of this ideal. It seems as if the educated elite and the intelligentsia were on one side, often ignoring the significance of the ideal and the implications of the recent history. Apparently, due to the one hundred and fifty years of British domination, much power had been left in the hands of the liberals and those who favored secularism in some form. Quite often they were found to be guilty of abusing that power, for instance when Chief Justice Muhammad Munir, a self-proclaimed believer in secularism, upheld the decision of Governor-General Ghulam Muhammad to abrogate the elected parliament. Conservatives and socialists, perceiving that the just demands of the people were being suppressed, would often invite the masses to agitation and direct action. When the masses chose to ignore such calls, they were accused of lacking in political awareness.

Hence, the unschooled masses of Pakistan seem to be standing on the other side, clearly distinguishable from the reactionary educated elite and the intelligentsia. At least three successive events in the last three years of this period should have vindicated the masses against the widespread accusation of being politically unaware. These were the tremendous unity displayed in supporting Fatima Jinnah against Field Marshall Ayub Khan in the presidential election of 1964, the display of patriotism during the 1965 War and the general outcry against Ayub Khan after the signing of the treaty at Tashkent in 1966.

These are some indicators in terms of the broader current of history only. Understanding and experiencing their deeper meaning requires us to revisit our literature, politics and religious thought with a new approach, which has never been attempted (and unfortunately, our education offers us little preparation for such a task). However, in terms of the general outline of the story of our ideals as a Muslim nation, the year 1966 seemed to be the moment when the ambiance of being a ‘new country’ had ended, and the nation seemed poised for starting a new stage, together.

Rise Above Yourself

2010-10-30T12:08:00.003+05:00

The following is my article published in Dawn on October 15, 2010, as Friday Feature, 'For a common destiny'. Some of the wording might be slightly different from the printed version.

The election of 1926 was the first occasion when Muslim masses voted in large numbers according to separate electorate. However, in the assemblies that were inaugurated the next year as a result of this election, no single party had emerged as common leader of the entire Muslim community. It seemed as if there was no new ideal, no commonly agreed goal anymore, and hence no means for a collective effort.

This, however, did not last very long. In 1928, Congress demanded through Nehru Report that separate electorates should be abolished. Apparently, it was impossible for an Indian nationalist to understand what a separate electorate meant to a Muslim.

Unity of matter and spirit as a philosophical concept may be incomprehensible by ordinary persons but the activities of the Aligarh Movement and its offshoots in the past sixty years had been sufficient for showing even the most unschooled Muslim how literature, politics, religion and education were interconnected as far as the Muslim community of the region was concerned. Separate electorate appeared to be a tool for formalizing this unity of ideals and reality. Hence when Nehru Report questioned the separate electorates in 1928, Muslim leaders who disagreed on everything else suddenly agreed to disagree with the Hindu majority on this issue.

Against this backdrop, Allama Iqbal, who was also a successful candidate of the election of 1926, presided over the annual session of the All-India Muslim League held in Allahabad on December 30-31, 1930. There, he proposed a new goal. It was “a consolidated North-West Indian Muslim state”, which appeared to him to be “the final destiny of the Muslims at least of the North-West India.”

Thus, Pakistan became the next goal to be achieved (and Iqbal left open the possibility of it being “within the British Empire, or without the British Empire”). Separate electorates then became the tool through which the new goal, Pakistan, was to be achieved.

The ideal to be pursued whilst in quest for Pakistan was “selflessness”, which Iqbal had been preaching at least since 1906. It was embodied in verses that had become proverbial to at least two successive generations, such as the famous line from a 1912 poem, “An individual is sustained by its bonding with the nation and is nothing on one’s own, just as the wave exists in the river and is nothing on its own.”

فرد قائم ربط ملت سے ہے تنہا کچھ نہیں
موج ہے دریا میں اور بیرون دریا کچھ نہیں

As explained in his longer poems and his lectures, selflessness (or bekhudi) was an experience through which an individual could annihilate his or her individual ego (khudi) and arrive at the next level, which was the collective ego, thus acquiring a greater wisdom inaccessible to the individual ego alone.

Iqbal’s conception of a collective ego did not mean that one should cease to have personal opinions, or renounce the freedom of thought and expression. Selflessness was not an act of the mind but an act of love, through the heart. It could only be induced through highly entertaining literature (as Iqbal did in his own times) and could never be imposed through repressive legislation (in fact the suppression of individual liberties could become a hindrance, since it curtails selflessness by enhancing mistrust).

This emphasis on transcending the individual ego was timely, since the elections of 1926 had presented a highly egotistical picture of the community. “Things in India are not what they appear to be,” he said in the Allahabad Address. “The meaning of this, however, will dawn upon you only when you have achieved a real collective ego to look at them.”

Selflessness, or rising above oneself, became the new ideal as the demand for Pakistan gained momentum under the leadership of Jinnah, “the Great Leader”, whom his followers came to see as the incarnation of their ideal in flesh and blood. How the new state came into being is a story that belongs to political history. What ought to be noted here is that the goal was achieved through the election of 1945-46 when an overwhelming majority of Muslims voted for Pakistan, especially in provinces where they were in a minority and were not going to be included in the proposed state.

Pakistan could not have come into being without their support but voting for Pakistan meant invoking the almost inevitable wrath of the future rulers of India. They voted, and they paid the price with their blood and tears. Recorded history of the human race may not offer another instance when such a large number of people made a common decision that required such high degree of selflessness.

Iqbal had said in the Allahabad Address, “Rise above sectional interests and private ambitions, and learn to determine the value of your individual and collective action, however directed on material ends, in the light of the ideal which you are supposed to represent.” The Muslim masses of India could not have followed his words more diligently.

Think Long-Term

2010-10-01T22:58:00.004+05:00

The following is a revised version of my article published as Friday Feature in Dawn today.

The birth of All-India Muslim League on December 31, 1906 in Dacca was the biggest consensus ever achieved in the history of Islam. It brought together diverse sects of Muslims under one banner. Twenty years earlier, Muslims of the sub-continent had set their goal to become “a real nation” rather than “a nation only in name”, and that goal was now achieved. Hence the stage that had started in the modern history of the community in 1887 came to an end.

The League offered a new goal. It was to win separate electorate for Muslims in the sub-continent. Since they were a minority in the region, their newly realized nationhood could only be preserved if they were represented as an organic unity in the legislatures (the idea had been originally presented by Syed Mahmood, son of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, in 1896).

This became the explicitly stated goal of the League, which described itself as the means through which this goal was going to be achieved. Hence a second stage could be said to have started in 1907 and completed in 1926 when separate electorates were effectively achieved and exercised (as described below in more detail).

However, it may be helpful to remember that membership of assemblies at that time was through nomination. General elections had not yet been introduced in the sub-continent (and were not conceded until 1919). Hence separate electorate was not something that concerned a citizen in daily life. If still the ordinary people became interested in it then obviously they were thinking long-term.

Hence pursuing separate electorate also meant embracing a new ideal, “Think Long-Term”. This did not mean that all details ought to be laid out in advance, since the future generations were likely to discover new ideals of their own. Therefore, commitment should not be to any particular ideology but to the society itself. A generation should pick a goal that everybody considers most important for conserving the common ideals. Things should be readjusted according to this goal but it should be remembered that tomorrow would be another day: the future always exists as an open possibility.

This approach can be best illustrated through a statement of Muhammad Ali Jauhar about the birth of the League itself. Jauhar said (ironically while presiding over an annual session of the Congress) that the birth of the League was a result of the MAO College founded at Aligarh nearly thirty years earlier in 1877 (“In obedience, as it were, to a law of nature,” he said. “Once more after nearly thirty years after the foundation of the College, there came into being a political institution of the Muslims.”)

Interestingly, the founder of the Aligarh College, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, had advised his followers to stay away from politics. Yet, his arch-disciple Jauhar not only named him as the major catalyst for the birth of a political party but also regarded him as the pioneer of Muslim political activity in the sub-continent.

This is often very difficult to be understood by scholars steeped in the Western academic paradigm but from the perspective of “long-term thinking” as practiced by Syed and Jauhar, our real identity is not defined by our specific opinions. It consists of our ideals, goals and the means we leave behind for achieving goals. Superficially, Jauhar and his colleagues seemed to be the antithesis of Syed but in terms of ideals and goals they were continuing the initiative started by him. Hence Jauhar addressed him ecstatically in a famous poem, “You are the one who taught us all this rubble-rousing. If we are the height of it, you were its genesis.” (Sikhaya thha tumhi nay hum ko yeh shore-o-shaghab sara/ Jo is ki inteha hum hain toe is ki ibtida tum ho).

It seems that the demand for separate electorate fired the imagination of the common people in such a manner that the ideal, “Think Long-Term” sunk into the hearts too. Tendency of seeing beyond immediate environment seemed to increase as the demand for separate electorate gained momentum. This could be judged from the way the community responded to the affairs of far-off places like Balkan, Tripoli and Gallipoli. After their Hindu compatriots conceded separate electorate by signing the Lucknow Pact in 1916, Muslims of the sub-continent went to the extent of joining them in the Non-Cooperation Movement of the early 1920s. They even went ahead to boycott Election 1922 on behest of Indian nationalists, although direct voting had been introduced for the first time on that occasion and the voting was to be done through separate electorate.

Think long-term, because you are part of a bigger picture, which is alive and breathing. This much was understood instinctively by a Muslim – especially the unschooled one, whose consciousness was less tainted by foreign education.

It was an ideal that could be epitomized and conveyed, not less effectively than the poetry of Allama Iqbal and the heart-to-heart journalism of Muhammad Ali Jauhar and Zafar Ali Khan, by even a balled written by a little-known poet and sung in the streets in the days of Khilafat Movement, “Bolien Amman Muhammad Ali ki/ Jaan beta khilafat pay day doe” (“Said the Mother of Muhammad Ali: O Son, lay down your life for the Caliphate”). Think long-term because you are part of a bigger picture.

By pursuing the ideal of long-term thinking, the community finally achieved its stated goal. Election 1926 witnessed a historic turnout. Non-Cooperation Movement was long over. Masses thronged to polling stations and cast their votes through separate electorates. The League had served its purpose. It was time to discover the next ideal and set a new goal.

Seek Consensus

2010-09-17T10:47:00.001+05:00

The following is my article published as "Friday Feature" in Dawn, September 17, 2010.

THEY were 67, and represented the largest Muslim community in any one country. They had come to Aligarh from all over British India, and included knights and nawabs as well as primary school teachers and ordinary people.

Since 150 chairs were laid out in the Stretchy Hall of Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental College, some 70 students also got invited for filling the vacant seats. The issue, in the words of their host, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, was this: “Although we are called a nation, we are unaware of each other’s circumstances, as if we were different peoples.”

The participants wanted to realise a Muslim nationhood. To this end they agreed to hold annual gatherings where the community could reach consensus on matters of national importance. The organisation holding these sessions, each year in a different city, was to be called Mohammedan Educational Congress (later changed to Conference). It came into being on December 27, 1886.

This event may qualify as the starting point for the present phase in the history of the development of Muslim thought in the subcontinent. Although the idea of consensus was rooted in the Quranic instruction that believers should consult each other when deciding important matters, no Muslim community after 7th century CE had been able to make its own consensus the final arbiter, since monarchs had come to hold sway after the Pious Caliphate of the early period. Hence the resolution of 1886 was the beginning of a new chapter, not only in India but across the world of Islam. It read:

"In view of an overall decline in education among Muslims, and with a mind that efforts should be made for progress in all forms of education through a national consensus and by taking national initiatives, it is desirable that a session called Mohammedan Educational Congress, comprising people from several districts, should be held every year for deliberating on such matters. This session shall not be held at a fixed place but held each year at a place whose residents are willing to make arrangements for it.”

The rationale behind founding such an organisation was, in the words of Sir Syed, “that we should meet and convey to each other our ideas regarding education and progress of the nation. Whatever mistake there might be in our thinking should get corrected through the opinions of others.”

Hence the idea of rejuvenating Muslim thought in regard to education, a Quranic injunction no less than one that urged the faithful to consult amongst themselves on matters of public good, was different from ‘consensus’ as viewed in a western democracy, in which a contender remains a contender, and the winner’s view prevails over all others. It was also different from the socialist agenda that emerged later, where public opinion would be overruled by a preconceived ideology. Thus, consultation amongst the faithful, as inspired by Islam, treads its own course. Sir Syed’s Education Conference was a potent example of that immutable aspect of applying Islam as a guide in practical affairs by a group of individuals who felt responsible towards the Muslim nation, the millat, as Sir Syed called it.

The ideal then, as perceived by the founders of the Conference, was that an election, poll or any other forum of public debate and representation ought to be an opportunity for learning from others rather than proving oneself to be right. Since a human being has a soul, a heart and a mind and therefore the ability to reason for his own good, seeking consensus of the community – including the unschooled and the uninitiated – could shape new ideals to overrule any pre-existing thought or ideology.

There were three significant implications inherent in the resolution that was passed that day: (a) quest for an ideal; (b) identification of the tool through which it should be pursued; and (c) the commitment to work towards achieving the identified goal. The ideal was that in all matters of collective life, action would be taken through consensus. The tool was the annual Conference itself, and the goal to be achieved was to become a nation that was willing to act for the common good.

Over the next twenty years, the Conference took its message across India. Thousands would gather at the annual session and become inspired by the new ideal through poetry, lectures and debates. A significant goal post was achieved in the 20th annual session on December 31, 1906, when All-India Muslim League was founded at Dhaka as a representative voice of the millat.

The party united diverse Muslim sects under one banner. Sunnis were in a majority but by consensus they chose the leader of the Shia Ismaili community, Sir Sultan Mohammad Shah, Aga Khan III, to lead them. This was the most aspiring consensus in the history of Islam of at least the last 1000 years. India’s Muslims had done what Muslims elsewhere had failed to do repeatedly since the death of Umar bin Abdul Aziz in the early 8th century. It truly transformed the community into a nation that would henceforth act as a whole for realising its aspirations.

Thus the ideal born in 1886 was realised, and the goal achieved, in 1906. It was time to shape the next ideal, and set a new goal in the saga of critical Muslim thought in the subcontinent.

Quran-Burning: Conflicting News Items

2010-09-10T03:29:00.004+05:00

Conflicting news are coming about the Quran-burning event. The story changed even as I was writing this post, and since I don’t know what twists are yet to come, I am posting the thing the way I wrote it (just now), along with link to the news page where updates can be found.

Pastor Terry Jones, who had called for burning the Quran on September 11, has cancelled the event “because the leader of a much-opposed plan to build an Islamic Center near ground zero has agreed to move its location”, according to an item from Associated Press, posted on Yahoo! News just a while ago. “The agreement couldn't be immediately confirmed,” AP adds. There are glitches.

GLITCH 1: According to the news item (still being updated as I write this), “Jones said Imam Muhammad Musri of the Islamic Society of Central Florida told him that officials would guarantee that the mosque would be moved.” The “mosque” refers to Park 51 (the so-called “ground zero mosque”), which is being led by a certain Imam Feisal Abdur Rauf. Did he authorize Musri of Florida to make any such promise? (See next).

GLITCH 2: "I asked him three times, and I have witnesses," Jones said, referring to Imam Musri of Florida. "If it's not moved, then I think Islam is a very poor example of religion. I think that would be very pitiful. I do not expect that." What if Rauf has not been consulted and Musri has made a promise on his own? (Since President Obama has already called the whole act of Jones a “stunt”, we wonder if this announcement about a deal is yet another stunt staged by Jones after he failed to gather support for his call to burn the copies of Quran: see next).

GLITCH 3: According to news report, Imam Musri “thanked Jones and his church members ‘for making the decision today to defuse the situation and bring to a positive end, etc”. Even if this deal turns out to be real, the saddest thing is destruction is being equated here with construction. Somebody wants to build a community center. Jones responds by threatening to burn copies of the Quran. This is blackmail and coercion, and not “a positive end” of anything (See next).

GLITCH 4: This came just as I was writing this post: “The imam and developer behind a plan to build an Islamic center near ground zero are denying reports that there is a deal to move the facility.” This is the latest update. So, was it just another "stunt" of Mr. Jones after all?

Note: Photograph is from Associated Press.

Jafri Reveals the Truth

2010-08-18T03:12:00.003+05:00

Jagan Nath Azad did not write any official national anthem of Pakistan nor was he ever asked, directly or indirectly, by Quaid-i-Azam to do so. This is what the Pakistani researcher Aqeel Abbas Jafri has shown - convincingly, it seems - in his forthcoming book from which excerpts were published in the Urdu newspaper Express (Page 20 of the Sunday Express Section) on August 15, 2010.

It seems that the poet Jagan Nath Azad (1918-2004) only claimed that the first “tarana” (anthem) broadcast from radio on the night of August 14-15, 1947 was penned by him. While even this claim doesn't seem to be true, in the video recording of a 1993 event where Azad is making this claim, he never says that the said anthem was the official anthem of the country.

There is no evidence supporting the sensational story in which Azad is dramatically called to Lahore Radio Station a few days before independence and asked to write the official national anthem because Quaid-i-Azam wants it to be written by a Hindu, and then the anthem remains official untill the Quaid’s death.

This version was circulated by the award-winning Indian journalist Luv Puri about a month after the death of Azad, with quotations from an alleged interview with the dead poet. Now Jafri has shown with the help of primary sources that Pakistan did not have a national anthem at the time of independence (an additional piece of evidence is an announcement, published in the lifetime of Quaid himself, promising a reward for whoever would write the national anthem of Pakistan).

Details can be seen in the above-mentioned article or in the forthcoming book of Jafri (the title has not been announced yet). Can we at least expect Wikipedia to now stop presenting the unsubstantiated account of Luv Puri as a fact, and the allegedly Pakistani writers and bloggers who promoted the same to at least publish a correction?

Quran Burning Event

2010-08-04T01:55:00.003+05:00

"Church plans Quran-burning event" is a headline from CNN. It can be misleading for some Muslims, among whom it is circulating widely, and some of whom may not grasp immediately that the "church" which has asked for burning of the Quran on 09/11 this year is not "the" Church - not the Vatican.

The very first line of the news clarifies this (but only for those who understand what is a "nondenominational" church):

In protest of what it calls a religion "of the devil," a nondenominational church in Gainesville, Florida, plans to host an "International Burn a Quran Day" on the ninth anniversary of the September 11, 2001, attacks.

According to Wikipedia, "In Christianity, non-denominational institutions or churches are those not formally aligned with an established denomination, or that remain otherwise officially autonomous." The Dove World Outreach Center (founded in the 1980s in Florida with a sister church in Cologne, Germany), which has called for the event is a "non-denominational" church and already its suggestion has been opposed by many other Christian organizations. Perhaps one thing that we need to do, at least in countries like Pakistan where Muslim and Christian populations live side by side, is to make the clarification accessible to as many as we can.

It is yet to be seen whether the event takes off. Facebook, however, is likely to be in the related news once again because the Dove has set up a page on it for the event.

Martyrs of Pakistani Renaissance

2010-08-03T01:32:00.004+05:00

For Pakistan, last July has been a month of grief. There was the tragic accident of the Airblue flight on July 28, claiming 152 lives. Floods started soon afterwards, claiming several hundred more by the end of the month.

Nobody knows how the strings of destiny move, weaving the fabric of our lives and deaths. Each of these lives was precious and the loss has wrapped us all in grief. Feelings that go seep so deep into so many at once are likely to stay there for a long time, even when they cease to become obvious. How the present grief is going to affect our actions in the future cannot be guessed right now. It is therefore important that the memories are preserved so that they could be revisited when need be.

Already, the memories and pictures of some of those who left us last month have started coming up on blogs. Here I shall mention only one group of the departed souls. They were some of the members of a "youth parliament".

These young men and women were star students to whom their peers looked up as role models. They were going to Islamabad as part of their activities, which were aimed at mobilizing the youth of Pakistan for a better society and a better world. It cannot be over-emphasized how noble a cause it was - one of the noblest aspects of that new awakening that has started in Pakistan since 2007.

As such, can we not call them the martyrs of that renaissance which is bound to happen in Pakistan and has already started? These youth were among the most well-known and well-connected of their generation. Their deaths are sacrifices that are likely to stay in the hearts of not a few but many. May God bless their souls and keep their memories alive like the lamps of tulips burning bright, with love and light.

Workshop on the Power of Consensus

2010-07-30T17:29:00.002+05:00

SOIS (Society of Iqbal Studies) presents

The Power of Consensus

How are our personal opinions related to opinions of the society, and do we lose or win by respecting this connection? What are the types of consensus and how do we recognize them? Why do we need to recognize them? Are there existing sources of moral power which we have failed to utilize? How can we empower ourselves with the least effort?

These are some of the core issues of Iqbal Studies that will be addressed in a two-hour session conducted by Khurram Ali Shafique, Research Consultant, Iqbal Academy Pakistan.

Saturday, July 31, 2010

4 pm to 6 pm

I2L Academy, 201-O, Block 2 (Opposite Ghausia Mosque), P.E.C.H.Society, Karachi.

Contact: Dr. Irfan Haider, hyder@pafkiet.edu.pk

For Directions: Mr. Waqar, 0346 321 6009

Driving on Tariq Road, if you are going from the liberty signal towards Allah Walla Chowk, take third left, and then take fourth right. Masjid Ghausia would be on your left (if you don’t see the Masjid, you are lost; ask for it). I2L Academy (201/O) is right in front of the shops in the Mosque adjacent to International School.

From Allah Walla Chowk if you are on Shahrahe Quaideen, going towards nursery, take left on the road just after McDonalds. Then, take fifth right. On your left would be Imperial Court (Chinese Restaurant). Go down and then take 3rd right. Masjid Ghausia and its shops would be on your left. (if you don’t see the Masjid, you are lost; ask for it). I2L Academy (201/O) is right in front of the shops in the Mosque adjacent to International school.

Reading Habits in Pakistan

2010-07-27T04:10:00.006+05:00

Let’s daydream about the culture of reading in

Pakistan

: When I walk out of my house, I find a small library in every few lanes. People are so eager to read that they pay for borrowing books. These libraries lend books on daily rental fees.

Due to these trends, even general stores have started keeping books: the cold corner in my neighborhood makes more money selling books than it does on ice cream. The topics of books on these counters range from fiction and poetry to general history.

If this is just about shops which are not even book stores then you can imagine what proper book stores are like. There are at least three or four big ones (and a few book rentals) in every major market of the country.

Films and popular television serials spawn several unofficial tie-in books published by amateurs. These books also sell well, so nobody can say that the popularity of film or television is cutting down on people’s reading habits.

Publishers are growing like mushrooms, and there are more of them in low-income areas. In any such vicinity, you would easily find ten to thirty people who have published at least one small book in their lives.

Children read books because everybody is talking about them: if they don’t catch up on the latest fiction published for children in Urdu then they would have little to discuss with friends at school, most of whom are found comparing their favorite authors with others’.

Before you read the next paragraph, take a few moments and ask yourself: Would you like to see it happen? Would you like to be part of any effort to make it happen? How much time and resources would you be willing to spare, personally, if a serious effort was made to this end? But do you that this is possible in Pakistan any time in the future? Pause here and answer these questions before you read the next paragraph.

Now consider the irony. This is not a fantasy about the future of

Pakistan

but about its past. This is what our society used to be in the 1960s, 1970s and the early 1980s. Remember?

Why do you think this has changed? What went wrong?

Picture at top right shows the fiction-writer Ibne Safi (right) at Aziz Library, Nazimabad, in 1963. The thirtieth death anniversary of Ibne Safi passed yesterday, July 26, 2010.

Book Launch: Rashid Minhas

2010-07-21T01:02:00.002+05:00

Man wants to know the truth, the truth about himself, about the world, about everything. This is what they call the eternal quest for truth (Rashid Minhas, 29 October, 1969, Risalpur).

Educational Resource Development Centre (ERDC)

and

PAF KIET

cordially invite you to the book launch of

Rashid Minhas (Urdu)

the first full-length biography of Pilot Officer Rashid Minhas Shaheed, N.H.
by Khurram Ali Shafique

6:00 pm - Friday, July 23, 2010

At PAF Kiet (City Campus), 28-D, Block 6, P.E.C.H. Society, Shahrah-i-Faisal, Karachi
Kindly confirm ERDC for participation
at (021)36723454, 36051229
or info@erdconline.org

Ishara: the wind-up

2010-06-24T04:35:00.005+05:00

Ishara (1969) winds up within three minutes after the last song. Here is the clip, and you may like to consider the following question while you watch it:

How is the ending similar to and different from the opening sequence?

Please post your answeres as "comments" below. The clip is 4 minutes long and I have sub-titled it. Apart from Amir (Waheed Murad), Aliya (Deeba) and Bezar Sahib (Lehri), whom you know from previous clips, you will also meet here Ishrat (Talat Husain), who is the boy Aliya's guardian wants her to marry, and Reshma (Rozina), who is a sponsor of Amir's paintings who has fallen in love with Amir but Amir cannot love her back because his thoughts are with Aliya.

The last song

2010-06-22T02:11:00.004+05:00

In the movie Ishara (1969), Amir (Waheed Murad) meets his soulmate Aliya (Deeba) but they must part when Aliya's guardian decides to marry her elsewhere. Amir paints a picture of the gate that has been closed on him thus, and on his own painting takes him elsewhere.

The fantasy song takes a step deeper into the artist's imagination. We entered his mind when the film started and now we are visiting his soul. The film turns from black and white to color, and we see archetypes of South Asian cinema rearranged to depict the spiritual realm. Consider this question as you watch the video:

In what ways the world presented here is similar to and different from the first song ('Aaj achanak')

The video is not sub-titled, so a basic translation of the song is being given here (chroeographers mime most of these lines anyway).

[Prelude]
My Love, do not be sad, life is the Tale of Suffering;
I am here, you are there, and the ruthless Time is in between.

[Intro]
We meet for the last time, so why not meet smilingly:
Put out all lamps of grief while we meet.

[Stanza 1]
Hide the tears in your eyes,
For God's sake do not burn you heart like this;
Today is a test on integrity,
Let's look into the eyes of Time as we meet it.

[Stanza 2]
Let's look at you to our heart's content today,
Since we must become estranged tomorrow.
Do not leave us yet,
Let's hide every suffering today while we meet.

Bezar Sahib

2010-06-21T05:37:00.010+05:00

As already observed, people from all segments of society are included in the inner world of Amir in the movie Ishara (1969). The video presented here offers a comparison: in the song sequence you will see the inner world of Amir's friend and neighbor Bezar Sahib (literally Mr. Fed Up), who was introduced at the beginning.

Please answer the following question as you watch the video:

In what ways is the world of Bezar different from Amir's?

The clip is 5 minutes 11 seconds long. I have sub-titled it in English. Credits can be found on the Youtube Page. Please leave a comment below, and then proceed to the next post.

The World of Consensus Literature

2010-06-18T03:46:00.008+05:00

The film Ishara (1969), written, directed and produced by Waheed Murad (1938-1983) begins with the subjective camera moving onwards. So, it is you entering that street (which is the artist's world), while the artist welcomes you in a voiceover.

In the previous post, we discussed people and objects in the artist's world with whom you may like to identify yourself. Now, as you watch the second clip, please consider two questions and then write your answers as "comments" below:

What actions are performed by Amir (Waheed Murad) during the song?
How do these actions symbolise the role played by artists like Waheed Murad in their societies?

The clip is 3 minutes 38 seconds long. I have sub-titled it in English. Credits can be found on the Youtube Page of the clip (you reach there by double-clicking the video). Please leave a comment below, and then proceed to the next post to see where this discussion is taking us.

This is the second post in a five-part series about the role of literature in society, beginning with 'Know Yourself'.

Know yourself

2010-06-16T21:55:00.004+05:00

What is literature, and how does it affect you? Understanding this might be more important than we usually presume. I am starting a series of posts on this subject and shall try to make them interactive.

The following is a clip I use in my workshops on this topic. As you watch the clip (sub-titled in English), try to answer this simple question: Where are you in this clip, or Who are you in it? Please post your answers as "comments" below.

After you have posted your "answer", you may like to visit the next post on this blog to see a follow-up and wind-up (page will be posted on Friday, June 18).

Note: the clip is from Ishara (1969), a film written, directed and produced by Waheed Murad (1938-1983), who also plays the artist Amir in the movie. I find this movie to be an excellent entry point into that entire discourse on literature which is so crucial to our civilization today.

Other posts in the series:

Afghanistan: mineral wealth of more than $900 billion found

2010-06-14T17:46:00.001+05:00

The latest about Afghanistan is that vast mineral wealth has been discovered there, enough to turn the country into Saudi Arabia of mining. Of course, most media is using headlines such as "US finds mineral riches in Afghanistan." Details suggest that the wealth is enough to turn Afghanistan into an ultra rich country as well as financing the US war in Afghanistan. Hence one can begin to wonder about the ulterior motives of foreign powers and about how much of this wealth will eventually go to the people of Afghanistan (see details in The New York Times and Yahoo! News).

Those familiar with the work of Allama Iqbal may recall the apt advice offered by him on this matter long ago. In 1923, he dedicated his second volume of poetry, Payam-i-Mashriq (A Message from the East) to King Amanullah of Afghanistan and suggested that Afghanistan should pay attention to acquiring modern knowledge for extracting its mineral resources while at the same time building moral strength and sharpness of mind for defending them. In his latter writings, Iqbal went on to suggest that Asia was a single organism and the Afghan nation was like the heart in it: the whole body would remain ill as long as the heart was diseased.

The dedicatory epistle addressed to King Amanullah has been summarized in Chapter 32 of the revised version of The Republic of Rumi (available online on blog as well as website).

The following is translation of an excerpt from the original (translation is by late Hadi Husain), followed by link to the chapter of RR which summarizes the poem.

Life is a struggle, not beseeching rights;
And knowledge is the arms with which one fights.
God ranked it with the good things that abound
And said it must be grasped, wherever found.
The one to whom the Quran was revealed,
From whom no aspect of truth was concealed,
Beheld the Essence itself with his eye;
And yet “God, teach me still more” was his cry.
Knowledge of things is Adam’s gift from God,
The shining palm of Moses and his rod,
The secret of the greatness of the West,
The source of all that it has of the best.
We would see, if our spirits had true zest,
Nothing but diamonds in the roadside dust.
Knowledge and wealth make nations sound and strong,
And thus enable them to get along.
For knowledge cultivate your people’s minds;
For wealth exploit your mineral finds.
Go, plunge a dagger into your land’s bowels;
Like Somnat’s idol it is full of jewels.
In it do rubies of Badakhshan lie;
In its hills is the thunder of Sinai.

See details in Chapter 32: The King of Afghanistan

The DNA of Social Studies

2010-06-07T05:45:00.004+05:00

I would like to share a few things from the workshop which I am conducting these days at Educational Resource Development Centre (ERDC), Karachi. It is called Breaking the Code: the DNA of Social Studies.

The concept is that just as DNA is a basic code encompassing the entire range of development the organism may potentially achieve, so there are a few basic truths about an area of study which yield an overall plan into which new developments may easily fit as the learner goes along.

The workshop consists of seven sessions:

Ancient Civilizations
Modern History
Iqbal
An Overview of Geography
Civics: a Mind Map for Pakistani Learners
Pakistan: understanding the idea and the reality
Recap and Conclusions

A shorter version conducted for teachers last month became quite popular, so this is a longer version for students as well as teachers. Personally, for me, its a nice experience to be addressing "house full" sessions once again (the current round has 35 participants, which is the maximum capacity of the venue).

Workshop about Iqbal

2010-06-06T21:46:00.000+05:00

I conducted a workshop with Social Studies teachers and trainers in Lahore on Saturday, May 29. The following is a report of that workshop by Manzoor Malik in Dawn (published on May 31, 2010).

THE Association for Social Studies Educators and Teachers (ASSET) in collaboration with Iqbal Academy on last Saturday organised a “Movie and workshop session on Allama Iqbal” at the Idara-i-Taleem-o-Aagahi main office.

Facilitated by Iqbal Academy Pakistan’s research consultant Khurram Ali Shafique, the session included Iqbal’s concept of Pakistan and a few tips for looking at history and Pakistan Studies in the light of his ideas.

Iqbal’s greatest work ‘Javidnama’ was also introduced at the session and the participants were enlightened with seven stages of personal development, found through the works of Iqbal.

At the session, excerpts from the Allahabad address: Iqbal’s concept of Pakistan and Iqbal’s poems for children were also discussed.

Controversial Facebook Page is Back

2010-05-26T08:19:00.001+05:00

The controversial Facebook page is back since Saturday, although some users in India have found it difficult to access it somehow. According to PC World, “the Facebook users who created the page put it back up.” On Saturday it had 108,000 fans and over 11,700 photos posted on it (you can read additional reporting on Pro Pakistani).

So it isn’t over yet. Muslims who think that the whole issue is childish and beneath the dignity of response, and therefore should be ignored may have a point but they also need to address that overwhelming majority who thinks otherwise.

Quit Facebook Day: May 31

2010-05-22T13:03:00.006+05:00

“Facebook page that led to Pakistani ban removed,” said the latest from Associated Press (read it at Yahoo! News) this morning. If through some hurriedly viewed news on TV you got the impression that Facebook took down the page, apologized or retracted, then please be corrected: “Facebook said Friday it has not taken any action on the page,” the Associated Press tells us. "So it was possible the creator took it down Friday because the page had served its purpose.”

This may not be the end of troubles for Mark Zuckerberg, the CEO of Facebook. May 31 has already been declared "Quit Facebook Day". No, not by Jamaat-i-Islami (nor by Imran Khan neither). Quite unrelated to the recent controversy over the hate festival, a website has been set up to explain why Facebook may be risky not only for you personally but also for the future of humanity:

"For us it comes down to two things: fair choices and best intentions. In our view, Facebook doesn't do a good job in either department... For a lot of people, quitting Facebook revolves around privacy... but we also think the privacy issue is just the symptom of a larger set of issues. The cumulative effects of what Facebook does now will not play out well in the future, and we care deeply about the future of the web as an open, safe and human place. We just can't see Facebook's current direction being aligned with any positive future for the web, so we're leaving.”

12,677 people have joined the Quit Facebook Day Campaign by "committing" to quit it on May 31 on the website (there were 12,666 when I started writing this post about 15 minutes ago, so the number is increasing by the minute).

This is not even among the bigger troubles that have started surrounding the CEO of Facebook during the recent weeks. Here are some randomly selected headlines to give you an idea (embedded links take you to details):

Some of these things are tough. Nick Summers on the blog of Newsweek (listed as #6 here) describes a recent Q&A session between a Facebook VP and readers at nytimes.com as "insincere at best and Orwellian at worst" and foresees even worse consequences when the movie gets released on October 1, portraying Zuckerberg as "a borderline autistic, entirely ruthless conniver." Other problems faced by him since April 21 and listed in this article include “a letter of concern from four U.S. senators, a filing with the Federal Trade Commission by 15 privacy groups, grave op-eds from the influential people at TechPresident, Wired, Thomas Baekdal, GigaOM, and elsewhere, helpful information to make sense of Facebook's evolution, including a timeline from the Electronic Frontier Foundation and a clever infographic from an IBM researcher, and the launch of an idealistic NYU startup, Diaspora.”

Arguably, the role of Facebook in the recent controversial cartoon campaign was also different from YouTube and Wikipedia — and hence the general resentment among Muslims is mainly directed against Facebook and not so much against the other two websites that got banned in Pakistan in this context.

If the conclusion on which Muslim users of Facebook have arrived is similar to what the webmasters of Quit Facebook Day are stating on their website (“We also don't think Facebook has much respect for you...”), one wonders how it would seem if millions of these Muslims also join the campaign and unanimously quit Facebook on May 31 — especially if they seal their lips about the offensive cartoons, blasphemy and all other matters at least until then and unanimously start chanting, “Just like the webmasters of Quite Facebook Day, we just can't see Facebook's current direction being aligned with any positive future for the web, so we're leaving. Nothing more to say (at least till May 31)!”

Such a thing would require extraordinary self-control, discipline and goodwill. Faith has produced such qualities on certain occasions but even if Muslims miss the opportunity, other problems surrounding Mr. Mark Zuckerberg are not pointing towards a very bright future either. Remember what James Bond says to the bad guy in The Living Daylights? “If the Russians don't get you, the Americans will!”

The latest from the Facebook

2010-05-20T23:18:00.002+05:00

As reported in Herald Sun (Australia), "Facebook is disappointed at being blocked in Pakistan over a contest that encourages users to post caricatures of the Prophet Mohammed and may make the offending page inaccessible to users there."

Either it has been reported that way or it is really so lame. "We are very disappointed with the Pakistani courts' decision to block Facebook without warning, and suspect our users there feel the same way," Facebook said according to the news report. Maybe some users feel that way but most I know are appluading the ban (a good place to get an idea of general reaction is one of the recent posts on Teethmaestro Blog).

I also happily accepted the ban at least till May 31 but there is something about this recent statement from Facebook which makes me feel I can go along with a permanent ban. The Facebook representative is reported to have said, "We will take appropriate action, which may include making this content inaccessible to users in Pakistan."

Wow! So it is wrong if my own government prevents me and it is right when Facebook does the same! If it's going to be someone else's decision how I access the Internet then I prefer it to be my government rather than Facebook.

Facebook still did not agree to remove that "offensive page". It is simply offering, oh so graciously, to make the page invisible for Pakistani users. Worse than having that page in the first place, actually, because it means that the page stays there but only Pakistani users become unable to notice it. That is a huge concession Facebook people are asking for themselves and yet making it sound as if they are offering a favor.

Something else in the Facebook statement is even more dubious. Reportedly the statement from the Palo Alto, California-based social network said, "We want Facebook to be a place where people can openly discuss issues and express their views, while respecting the rights and feelings of others..." (Sounds like Ms. Anne Patterson announcing before the world that the US authorities have "no definitive knowledge" about Dr. Aafia Siddiqui's children). The statement goes on to say, "We don't typically take down content, groups or pages that speak out against countries, religions, political entities, or ideas."

But sometimes they do. Not very long ago they took down the page of People's Resistance, a broad-based Pakistani group working for the restoration of judiciary in Pakistan. Facebook removed that page (not just making it inaccessible in Pakistan). It also sent warnings to the group. (Read about this on Teeth Maestro).

So, Facebook does not "typically" do that but "a-typically" it removed a page that was calling for peaceful restoration of judiciary in Pakistan. That stupid contest of May 20 is a big deal but restoration of judiciary in Pakistan is a trivial matter that Facebook team did not even mention it while making these blanket statements?

Facebook might be disappointed with the Pakistani courts' decision but many Pakistani users were disappointed with Facebook already, and after reading this statement I feel: social media network, my foot! Is this the kind of people I would like to trust for my social media networking?

Understanding Freedom of Expression

2010-05-20T13:08:00.001+05:00

One of the regular visitors to this blog has asked me a question that must also be in the minds of many others:

"I get stuck- when non-Muslims say that a cartoon is just a cartoon, and why are you taking it seriously. You can draw images of us and also of our gods.To them i reply that Islam teaches love and respect to all religions and prophets. But... they keep saying that draw our cartoons and we will publish them."

No, they will not. Ask them to read the laws regarding libel and patents that exist in their country. Unrestrained freedom of expression has neither been advocated nor found desirable anywhere in the world so far. There are always certain limits even in US. The issue is how to define those limits.

Here are a few examples:

Facebook itself deleted the official page of People's Resistance, a broad-based Pakistani group formed for a peaceful struggle for restoration of judiciary sometime ago. I am told that not only their page got deleted but they even received warnings from FB administration just because they had invited for an event involving protest in favor of judiciary in their own country. Read more on Teeth Maestro
When Satanic Verses of Salman Rushdie was published, Pakistani filmmaker Shehzad Gul responded by making a film called International Guerillay that depicted Salman Rushdie in a negative manner. While Rushdie's book had been allowed to circulate in UK, the film was initially banned because Rushdie could have filed libel suite not only against the film producer but also against the British authorities! Read details on Wikipedia.
Recently, there were news about Megan Fox taking some legal action against an advertisement of baby milk that used just her first name "Megan" in a funny conversation (you can search it on the Internet).

So, the freedom of expression does not mean that everything goes. Now, it may be that most people in the West do not mind if their prophets and deities are mocked, so it has been allowed in their law. Many people in the East seem to mind that (and it's not just a Muslim thing: Christians sought ban on Da Vinci Code movie and Hindus protested against the exhibition of paintings by M F Husain disrespecting Hindu goddesses.

Why people in the West are more tolerant about ridiculing religion (when they are not equally tolerant about defamation of living citizens) than in the East may be because whenever a civilization is going down it shows these kinds of symptoms - it was the same with ancient Rome, the later Mughal Empire and so on.

So, the bottom line is that while the contemporary Western societies seem to be in favor of protecting only their living citizens through laws against defamation, most Eastern societies today seem to be extending that cover to religious personalities long dead also. Again, this is not an essentially East-West thing: Western societies in their better days were also like this, for instance about 150 years ago when "the sun did not set on their empire"!

In this situation, what we all need to learn - the West as much as the East - is that in a world that has practically become a global village, one cannot go on behaving like the village idiot anymore. We need to show some ettiquettes.

Freedom of expression and genuine artists

2010-05-19T19:40:00.001+05:00

So you think that a great poet or artist never compromises and pays very little attention to commercial considerations? Factual evidence suggests otherwise. Consider three of the greatest poets of all times.

With one possible exception, William Shakespeare wrote all his plays for the box office. In his own lifetime and for more than a century after his death, he was not as much recognized for being a masterful playwright as he was for being a successful one. His colleagues who compiled the authoritative collection of his plays after his death complied with the latest censorship policies: several expressions from Shakespeare's work were struck out and many of those have never reached us. Still, that has not prevented us from appreciating the genius of Shakespeare..

Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, on the suggestion of his publisher, self-censored several words and phrases in his greatest masterpiece Faust ("very characteristically", accordng to the scholar Walter Kaufmann).

Almost all the greater Urdu poems of Dr. Sir Muhammad Iqbal were written with the aim of collecting money for orphanages and other philanthropic causes - yes, these include 'Tasveer-i-Dard', 'Shikwah', 'Jawab-i-Shikwah', 'Khizr-i-Rah' and 'Tulu-i-Islam'. Moreover, when certain portions of Iqbal's first Persian book were severely criticized by his audience, he happily deleted them from the next edition. His famous prayer was, "May my pen never hurt any heart...":

مری زبان قلم سے کسی کا دل نہ دُکھے

گلہ کسی سے نہ ہو زیرِ آسماں مجکو

These artists used the feedback of their societies as reality check. We know what they - Shakespeare, Goethe and Iqbal - have offered to humanity. As compared to them, the other kind of artists who whine about freedom of expression and regard petty egoism to be more important than love, what have they offered? Please ask this question to yourself.

Also, if you have the time, do a simple exercise. Pick up the work of a typical "high culture" artist who claims to be oh so far above his or her society. Then scan the work for a single theme: hypocrite. I promise that you shall be amazed at what comes up (some examples can be offered on this blog if readers are interested).

Saying 'No' to Blasphemy

2010-05-19T09:49:00.004+05:00

On June 1, 2006, the Christian community of Pakistan launched protests against the expected release of the Da Vinci Code in theatres in Pakistan. Four days later, the government banned the movie although the book and the DVD continued to be sold (see reports on IBN Live and BBC News). While announcing the ban, the Culture Minister Ghulam Jamal said that Islam taught respect for all prophets and disrespecting any of them was to disrespect all of them.

Perhaps there was a lesson to be learnt: Muslim clerics had actually encouraged the Christian community to take a stand against the movie that had offended many Christians around the world (at least seven states in India had also banned the film). When the protest was launched, it received active support from Muslim clerics and hence the prominent Pakistani Christian leader Shahbaz Bhatti said that it would go a long way to ensuring sectarian harmony (see Atlas Forum).

This incident stands apart from many others because it is about action and not just talk, talk and more talk. Something happened - something got done.

That is what Pakistan needs to do now: it should offer alternatives through practice and not just preaching. Not only Muslims but many sensible people from all religions are upset about the way the forces of ridicule and darkness have been smashing the bastions of respect for more than a hundred years now. Can we not come up with laws that respect the freedom of expression and encourage it but at the same time also prevent abuse of that freedom for creating dissension and spreading hatred?

We are free. We have a country. We own it - all of us Pakistanis. In our country, we can make any law we want. Let's not wait for Western countries to show us what laws need to be made. Let's lead the world by initiating such beautiful legislation in our own country that other peoples in the world, even in Western countries, feel inclined to follow it.

The world needs such laws and the nation founded by a barrister should be the most well-equipped to take the lead. For that we shall need to understand the issue at hand: freedom of speech. As correctly pointed out by two young readers of the previous post, Free speech doesn't mean that you start abusing and humiliating others. The challenge is to translate this idea into a philosophy that can then be turned into law. At least in Pakistan, it can be done.

یہاں ہر ایک شخص کا بلند تر مقام ہو

مٹیں دلوں سے نفرتیں، سبھی کا احترام ہو

اِس احترام کے لیے ہماری جنگ ایک ہے

Note: The Urdu couplets mean, "Everyone should be venerated here, there should be no hatred in hearts and everybody respected - for the sake of that respect, our war is a common one."

The May 20 Thing

2010-05-18T17:44:00.003+05:00

The hype about 'Everybody Draw Muhammad Day!' (check Wikipedia entry) may not be as much as it is presumed by some - despite the fact that a few big names of mainstream media have given coverage to this now-anyonymous call for drawing images of Prophet Muhammad and uploading them on the Internet on Saturday, May 20 (the act may be called "now-anonymous" because both the Seattle cartoonist to whom the idea is attributed as well as the person who started the Facebook page have backed out). Also, the original Facebook page calling for the event has been surpassed in popularity by pages demanding ban on it such as Against 'Everybody Draw Muhammad Day!'.

The other kind of response is exemplified by Honour the Prophet Muhammad Campaign page suggesting, "No boycott of facebook on May 20th, rather it will be a day of activity! posting hadiths, Quranic verses, videos, and whatever you can!" Apparently this page is associated with a 22 year old student from UAE, Sami Zaatari, who has also uploaded a video on YouTube called Draw Muhammad Day - the Muslim Response. The video has been subsequently copied on Pakistan Youth Forum channel on YouTube (from where it is embedded here, since the comments on this version are more relevant to the debate).

The video has also been copied on the home page of the Seattle cartoonist who originally called for the event - hence a "news update" caption on Zaatari's video announcing, "The artist who started who started draw Muhammad Day has joined this campaign!!!!". However, it may not be as much of a victory: since the whole idea behind "Everybody Draw" was to avoid becoming target of Muslim extremists, it is uderstandable if the originators renounce it once it has taken roots. Secondly, as highlighted in some of the comments on the YouTube video (PYF version), the issue is something else.

Dispelling some of the misconceptions about Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) is a good thing but even if some non-Muslims become convinced that the Prophet was a great role model, the question will still remain whether like other good role models he can also be mocked or not. For instance, look at two of the comments posted on the Zaatari video on PYF channel:

He has the right to be mocked just like every single other thing on this Earth including Jesus, Buddha, Krishna, Thor, Shiva, and all the other imaginary friends people have.

You seem intent upon missing the point. The issue isn't the Muhammed and his character. And it isn't that we're "haters" (although I'm sure there are a few out there.) No, this is an issue of FREE SPEECH. The whole point is that NO PERSON, NO IDEA, and NO IDEOLOGY has special privilege. EVERYTHING is open to scrutiny and criticism. Muslims have no right to expect their faith to be treated differently. It's time for Islam to quit whining and grow up.

This is the mood in which the so-called "Muslim Response" is being met. It seems that no matter how we handle the matter, we cannot avoid the central question: what is and what is not the freedom of speech. Perhaps a two-pronged Muslim response is needed. Firstly, there should be lawful protest against the May 20 event and such activities. Secondly, we need to probe deeper into the whole issue of the freedom of speech, and that is what I shall try to do on this blog in the next few days.

Arberry's Mistake

2010-05-16T09:00:00.001+05:00

In his preface to the translation of Iqbal's Mysteries of Selflessness in 1953, the Cambridge scholar A. J. Arberry proposed a course of action for the Western academia which appeared very desirable on its face value:

If the threatening and so unnecessary conflict is to be avoided, it is imperative that we should make a renewed and unremitting effort to understand each other’s viewpoint, and to study what possibilities exist for, first, a diminishing of tension, next, a rational compromise, and, ultimately, an agreement to work together towards common ideals.

Who would not agree with such an idea? Arberry was asking to (a) understand each other's viewpoint; (b) study the possibilities for (i) diminishing of tension; (ii) rational compromise; and (iii) working together towards common ideals.

Unfortunately, before arriving on this proposition in the preface, Arberry practically demolished the entire intellectual premise on which the Muslim society was standing in those days, not only in Pakistan but also elsewhere. The premise was what I have tried to explain in some other posts as "Philosophy of Muslim Nationalism." Arberry discarded it rather hastily as an "apologist" reaction and considered it to be even a threat to world peace. According to him, Iqbal was a reactionary whose thought was not to taken seriously except as an example of typical mistakes made by bonafide representatives of modern Muslim thought.

Could this summary condemnation of the entire intellectual output of Islam in the preceding one hundred years be regarded a first step towards "a renewed and unremitting effort to understand each other’s viewpoint"? In what ways was Arberry helping his reader "to study what possibilities exist for... an agreement to work together towards common ideals?" Far from that, he had actually preached that no common ideals existed between Islam and the West in the first place.

Pakistan 1953

2010-05-11T04:01:00.002+05:00

A. J. Arberry was a renowned Orientalist from Cambridge who is best known for his English translation of the Quran. In 1953, he also translated the second part of Iqbal's Persian work Secrets and Mysteries as 'Mysteries of Selflessness'.

Arberry started his preface by drawing attention of his readers, especially the Western academics, to the significance of Pakistan as a flagbearer of democracy and freedom in the modern world. By comparison he found the rest of the Muslim world to be in the grip of intolerant ideologies.

Then should it not surprise us that in his final analysis in the same preface, Arberry did not suggest even remotely that Pakistan should be upheld as a role model and its ideology popularized in other Muslim countries. Quite the contrary, Arberry advocated that the worldview of Iqbal as well as the idea of Pakistan was based on a faulty premise and should be debunked. Was it prejudice or mere delusion? How does one resolve such contradiction in an esteemed scholar?

On these questions there can be a long debate but what I want to offer here today are two excerpts from Arberry's preface. The first is his portrayal of the young Pakistan (only 6-year-old at that time) and the second is his general perception of the Muslim world.

Pakistan

"...even the most indifferent reader of the newspapers must by now have begun to grasp something of the impact of Pakistan’s creation upon the main tendencies of world-politics. Pakistan’s spokesmen in the debates of the United Nations have attracted so much attention and respect, whether in their Kashmir arguments or in their championship of Moroccan or Tunisian aspirations, that it would be a singularly dull-witted observer of the international scene who would still fail to realize that this new country is destined to play a very leading part in the coming drama of world-history."

The Muslim World

"...it is impossible to live intelligently for a single day in any part of that large stretch of the earth’s surface extending from Morocco to Indonesia, without becoming uncomfortably aware that Islam and Europe stand poised against each other, and that the choice between peace and war may not be far off. Whether we like it or not, be we Europeans or Africans or Asians, we live in dangerous times, and may well be heading for the greatest collision since Richard fought Saladin. Are we justified in pretending that the facts are otherwise?"

We can clearly see the contrast between Pakistan and the rest of the Muslim World as it appeared to Arberry in 1953. It is besides the point whether these perceptions were true or not. The question is: if this is how Arberry saw the difference between Pakistan and the rest of the Muslim World, then why did he suggest in the rest of the preface that the idea of Pakistan needed to be debunked as effectively as possible?

What is Muslim Nationalism?

2010-05-10T09:24:00.003+05:00

While writing the second part of Secrets and Mysteries (1915-18), Iqbal felt especially excited about expounding "the philosophy of Muslim nationalism in a manner it has never been stated before." What is this philosophy, then? Perhaps we owe it to Iqbal to at least know it.

In fact, apart from its association with Iqbal, there are two other reasons why it is important to be at least familiar with this concept (whether one agrees or not). Firstly, Iqbal's concept did not arrive in a vaccum but was merely the best articulation of various trends that had been developing in the Muslim world since the previous century. Secondly, the thought of Iqbal as well as those trends themselves had a deep impact on the masses in Muslim societies and it remains doubtful whether any subsequent movement has sufficiently replaced these concepts in the collective consciousness of the Muslim world — at least among the masses (the renowned Cambridge scholar A. J. Arberry also had to admit both these points in 1953, even when urging the Western academia to try making these concepts less popular among Muslims).

Iqbal's philosophy of Muslim nationalism can be divided into two sections: the "pillars of Muslim nation-hood" and "special features of the Muslim nation."

1. The Pillars of Muslim Nation-Hood

According to Iqbal, Unity of God and Prophet-hood of Muhammad (peace be upon him) are the two pillars of Muslim nationhood. The implication of the first is that there should be no fear or despair. The second implies liberty, equality and fraternity, since that was the mission of the Holy Prophet:

Unity of God;
No fear or despair
Prophet-hood of Muhammad (peace be upon him)
Liberty
Equality
Brotherhood

Special Features of the Muslim Nation

Iqbal goes on to list nine special features of the Muslim nation, elaborating each in a separate chapter:

The Muslim nation is timeless, since its survival has been divinely promised
A nation is organized only through a constitution, and the constitution of the Muslim nation is the Quran
In times of decadence, conformity is better than speculation
The national character acquires power by following the Divine Law
The national character acquires beauty by following the manners of the Prophet
A nation requires a physical center, and the center of the Muslim nation is the Holy Kabah
True solidarity comes from adopting a common ideal, and that the ideal of the Muslim nation is preservation and propagation of Unity
The expansion of national life depends upon controlling the forces of the universe
The perfection of national life is when a nation becomes aware of its selfhood just like an individual, and that the propagation and perfecting of this awareness is only possible through preservation of national history

In a nutshell, this was the philosophy of Muslim nationalism as stated by Iqbal in Secrets and Mysteries (1915-18). Needless to say, it was further developed in subsequent writings, especially the famous Allahabad Address (1930) where he explained the concept of Pakistan, and his greatest masterpiece Javidnama (1932), which culminates on a grand definition of "nation" coming from "the Voice of Beauty": "A nation is a thousand eyes seeing together. Attain this unity of vision, so that you may possess authority in the world."

In the revised online version of The Republic of Rumi, the pillars of nationhood are presented in Chapter 23 and the special features of the Muslim nation in Chapter 26.

We need Goethe

2010-04-29T01:48:00.003+05:00

Samri the magician created a golden calf which could produce sounds. Many started worshipping it and Moses asked one of them, "If it was a miracle that you required in order to believe, then I showed you so many but you defied me. Samri showed you only one and you came to believe. Why is that?"

The conversation is perhaps imaginary but it serves a purpose and Mawlana Rumi spells that out in his Masnavi. Souls tend to get impressed by what is according to their own condition.

In Pakistan, we often say that our education system has given too much importance to Western literature at the cost of our own, but saying that is rather like missing the whole point. Whether it is Western literature or our own, the educational and academic institutions have shown a tendency towards falling for the worst rather than the best - just like the worshipper of the golden calf who defied the miracles of Moses but bowed down to the magic of Samri.

One of the greatest names of the West which we have ignored is Goethe. Iqbal said about him, "It is not until I had realised the infinitude of Goethe’s mind that I discovered the narrow breadth of my own." Consequently he modelled his second book of poetry, A Message from the East (1923) after Goethe's Divan. After this, if we exclude Goethe from our sylabbuses we shall be cutting ourselves away not from German heritage but our own.

Still, we find that Goethe is not included anywhere in our syllabuses. Instead, we find the syllabuses to be filled with those degenerate Western writers who were catalysts to the fall of their own societies rather that contributors to its rise. Western writers representing trends that were described by Iqbal as "poison" for societies breathe that poison into our classrooms while those Western writers who had been strongly recommended for us by Iqbal have been ignored! So, it's not about East or West after all. It is rather about choosing good instead of bad even when the good can be more useful.

Recently, through some comments from a respected American reader of these blogs, I realized that Goethe has not been marginalized in Pakistan only. Connie L. Nash writes, "I don't remember him ever coming up as a student anytime during my many many years of study - even when I took lots of humanities, literature, philosophy and international writers as optional studies for my own interest."

I am inclined to conclude that we have been living in an age when the seats of authority in humanities and literature came to be occupied by trends that were diamterically opposed to the sense of life represented by the likes of Goethe and Iqbal. In this age, some lip service was done to these geniuses, since they had become too legendary to be ignored. However, their life and work was not approached according to how they would have liked it to be approached but instead it was interpreted from a point of view against which these benefactors had been warning the humanity.

One result was that most biographies of Goethe and Iqbal do not corroborate their works. The other result is that a modern reader does not know why to study these writers, or how. I hope to touch upon these issues in subsequent posts but perhaps at least for Pakistan it is time to rediscover that great connection with the German thinker which our own national poet established on such strong foundations and left behind for us as a lasting legacy.

Review of Shakespeare According to Iqbal

2010-04-26T03:49:00.010+05:00

The following review of my book Shakespeare According to Iqbal: an Alternative Reading of The Tempest was published in Books & Authors, Dawn, on Sunday 25 April 2010. It is by Peerzada Salman.

The Bigger Picture

They say William Shakespeare created the most of God. The reference is to the myriad of (believable) characters that he created. Even when someone tries to criticise him, the best s/he can do is to suggest that Hamlet is an ‘artistic failure’. Notice the use of the word artistic. Shakespeare’s works can be less successful but they’re never less artistic. And art reflects life, if it isn’t life.

There must be a reason why literary giants like Allama Iqbal showered profuse praise on Shakespeare, for the playwright’s art was gleaned from life. Iqbal was no ordinary individual himself. His perceptions of, and outlook on, human existence is no secret. If Allama Iqbal praised Asadullah Ghalib, Mawlana Rumi or Shakespeare, the common thread was life.

Shakespeare created characters that were flesh and blood, embodying all the human traits. Iqbal could see the bigger picture behind his ostensibly eccentric or plain dramatis personae. Kudos for Khurram Ali Shafique for offering an alternative reading of The Tempest, and that too according to Iqbal.

The book is divided into three parts (‘The Seven Stages of Potent Art’, ‘Twice Upon a Time’, ‘The Human Spirit’) which highlight the confluence, to a certain degree, of the Shakespearean play and the nearly two centuries’ old Persian poem Haft Payker (Seven Beauties) by the legendary poet Nezami Ganjavi. Rumi also features with his masterful Masnavi, which is the least surprising.

The special thing about the book is the notes at the end that elaborate the allusions, references and events mentioned in the three sections. They elucidate the finer points of the text, even for those who know The Tempest (if not Shakespeare) and Iqbal (if not in entirety) like the back of their hand.

An interesting aspect that the book highlights is the 14-line poem that the Allama wrote for William Shakespeare. The discussion in the section ‘The Human Spirit’ suggests that each couplet of the nazm traces the progress of one of The Tempest’s principal characters, and from Prospero’s art through to the major conflicts that appear in its chronological storyline of the play. It’s worth a careful read, and a cautious appraisal.

— Peerzada Salman

Shakespeare According to Iqbal: An alternative
reading of The TempestBy Khurram Ali Shafique
Iqbal Academy Pakistan, Lahore
ISBN 978-969-416-447-2
47pp. Rs70

Nietzsche and Rumi

2010-04-06T05:35:00.002+05:00

Here are two interesting comments on the German thinker Nietzsche (seen in the picture below) by Allama Iqbal that were first published in New Era (Lucknow) in 1917.

Muslim Democracy

The Democracy of Europe – overshadowed by socialistic agitation and anarchical fear – originated mainly in the economic regeneration of European societies. Nietzsche, however, abhors this ‘rule of the herd’ and, hopeless of the plebeian, he bases all higher culture on the cultivation and growth of an Aristocracy of Supermen. But is the plebeian so absolutely hopeless? The Democracy of Islam did not grow out of the extension of economic opportunity, it is a spiritual principle based on the assumption that every human being is a centre of latent power, the possibilities of which can be developed by cultivating a certain type of character. Out of the plebeian material Islam has formed men of the noblest type of life and power. Is not, then, the Democracy of early Islam an experimental refutation of the ideas of Nietzsche?

Nietzsche and Jalaluddin Rumi

Comparisons, they say, are odious. I want, however, to draw your attention to a literary comparison which is exceedingly instructive and cannot be regarded as odious. Nietzsche and Maulana Jalal-ud-Din Rumi stand at the opposite poles of thought; but in the history of thought it is the points of contact and departure which constitute centres of special interest. In spite of the enormous intellectual distance that lies between them these two great poet-philosophers seem to be in perfect agreement with regard to the practical bearing of their thought on life. Nietzsche saw the decadence of the human type around ihim, disclosed the subtle forces that have been working for it, and finally attempts to adumbrate the type of life adequate to the task of our planet, “Not how man is preserved, but how man is surpassed,” was the keynote of Nietzsche’s thought. The superb Rumi—born to the Moslem world at a time when enervating modes of life and thought, and an outwardly beautiful but inwardly devitalising literature had almost completely sucked up the blood of Moslem Asia and paved the way for an easy victory for the Tartar—was not less keenly alive than Nietzsche to the poverty of life, incompetence, inadequacy and decay of the body social, of which he formed a part and parcel…

Bhagat Singh: promoting terrorism?

2010-03-31T02:15:00.010+05:00

On March 23 this year, when most Pakistanis celebrated the 70th anniversary of Pakistan Resolution, some observed the death anniversary of Bhagat Singh (1907-1931) who had been hanged on charges of terrorism on the same date in 1931. Especially under the present circumstances of Pakistan, a few questions may need to be considered objectively and dispassionately.

Bhagat Singh was a member of HSRA, a leftist terrorist organization in India in the 1920s (“when expediency will demand it the Party will unhesitatingly enter into a desperate campaign of terrorism,” said the party’s manifesto; see Wikipedia entry). In 1928, Hindu leader Lala Lajpat Rai succumbed to injuries suffered from baton charge by police during a public protest and Singh set out to avenge him by assassinating the police chief but the bullet killed another police officer instead. Singh fled the scene and later threw a bomb in the Central Legislative Assembly that did not kill anyone but created some terror. He got arrested and defended his position throughout his trial. He was convicted for murder and hanged on March 23, 1931.

In India, Singh is celebrated as a hero. Among Marxists, his pamphlet ‘Why I am an Atheist’ is especially popular as a tool for promoting atheism among youth. Pakistan too has an association with him, since he was born in a village near Lyallpur (now called Faisalabad) and got executed in Lahore. In September 2007, Lt Gen (Retired) Khalid Maqool (governor of Punjab in the Musharraf era) addressed a birth centenary seminar on Bhagat Singh, paid tribute to him and promised a memorial (see Daily Times).

Showing due respect to Bhagat Singh as an icon respected by our neighboring India is one thing. Preaching his ideas to our own youth and presenting him as a role model for Pakistanis are different matters altogether. The country is being accused of harboring terrorists. The international media, especially Indian media, often seems to be giving an impression as if most Pakistanis harbor a longing for becoming suicide bombers. What kind of image shall we receive if at this time some of our lobbies are found to be promoting a “hero” whose recorded statement after throwing a bomb in the assembly was, “We are sorry to admit that we... have been forced to shed human blood. But the sacrifice of individuals at the altar of the 'Great Revolution'… is inevitable.”

The implications are:

Is this the kind of image we desire to be associated with Pakistan?
Is this the message we want to give to our youth?
Precisely why did India release not one, but two, biopics about Bhagat Singh defending terrorism soon after 09/11 (both movies were released on June 7, 2002)?

However, the biggest question is that at a time when the country is already combating terrorism, why on earth we need to promote terrorism? We may compare the following excerpts from the pamphlet distributed by Singh after bombing the assembly with the video messages released by the militants of today:

"It takes a loud voice to make the deaf hear, with these immortal words uttered on a similar occasion by Valiant, a French anarchist martyr, do we strongly justify this action of ours… In these extremely provocative circumstances, the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association, in all seriousness, realizing their full responsibility, had decided and ordered its army to do this particular action… We are sorry to admit that we who attach so great a sanctity to human life, who dream of a glorious future, when man will be enjoying perfect peace and full liberty, have been forced to shed human blood. But the sacrifice of individuals at the altar of the 'Great Revolution' that will bring freedom to all, rendering the exploitation of man by man impossible, is inevitable. Long Live the Revolution."

Really, do you have to promote terrorism?

Armaan of a Nation

2010-03-28T02:28:00.005+05:00

Published in DAWN, Images, March 14, 2010

The movie Armaan was released on Friday, March 18, 1966. The country was echoing with protests against the Tashkent Agreement signed by President Ayub Khan and the Indian Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri. It was said that a war “won” on the front had been “lost” on the table. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the dissident foreign minister who was generally identified with a hard line stance against India, had just received an overwhelming ovation at Lahore Railway Station from a multitude of his admirers.

Then, as the film opened in Naz Cinema, Karachi, and other theatres in West and East Pakistan, it captured the imagination of the entire society at once. Did the masses recognize, unconsciously, their deepest ideals in the fantasy about an educated and principle-centered aristocrat stepping down from his ranks for courting an orphaned girl of humble background and himself getting transformed in the process? At least that was the gist of the hero’s journey from the festive ‘Ko ko korina’ to the mature ‘Jab pyar mien do dil miltay hain’ and from the light-hearted rendition of ‘Akele na jana’ by Ahmad Rushdi to the symphonic and cataclysmic orchestra accompanying the voice of Mala, at the end. In retrospect one may say that this was not very unlike the expectations the people were beginning to develop from Bhutto around the same time — whether or not the politician lived up to the ideals given by poets.

The movie was the first Pakistani release to become a “Platinum Jubilee” (running for 75 cumulative weeks). The middle classes, usually reluctant about visiting a cinema, got attracted in large numbers (in some ways this shift had already started with Saheli four years earlier and Naela the last year but it reached its climax with Armaan). The hair style of the writer, producer and actor Waheed Murad became the default for that generation. Conservatives and liberals, rich and poor, educated and the illiterate were equally mesmerized.

The legends spawned by Armaan spread wide and were going to prove lasting. Fellow filmmaker Nazrul Islam, in his greatest film Aina (1977) eleven year later, named the heroine Najma (played by Shabnam) after the role played by Zeba in Armaan. In a subsequent movie Nahin Abhi Nahin (1980), Nazrul not only named the main character Armaan, but even persuaded the lead actor Faisal Rehman to use this as real name (recently, Faisal has directed a television sequel to Nahin Abhi Nahin where the protagonist Armaan, now grown up and teaching in a college, confronts the spirit of Allama Iqbal and seeks answers to questions about the existence and destiny of Pakistan).

In Armaan is one of the pegs around which threads of our collective consciousness are tied then it very well deserves that prestige. It was an offering from well-educated and imaginative youth who respected their culture and wanted to bring a healthy change through the unity of imagination. Waheed had an M.A. degree in English Literature from Karachi University and his obsessions included James Joyce, Virginia Woolf and Henry James (one of his dreams was to make a stream of consciousness film and he arguably achieved it three year later in one of his productions). In developing the story of Armaan, he drew upon Cinderella, She Stoops to Conquer, The Taming of the Shrew, Jane Eyre and Wuthering Heights but used his sources ingenuously for creating a brevity that effectively conveyed the messages ingrained the greatest cultural movements of recent history (attachment to Iqbal ran in Waheed’s family, since his grandfather Manzur Ilahi Murad was an acquaintance of the poet-philosopher in Sialkot).

The director Pervez Malik, who also wrote the screenplay, had a masters’ degree in filmmaking from California. Camera work, imagery and symbolism were at par with some of the best masterpieces of that time: one could identify allusions to La Dolce Vita and Hiroshima Mon Amor. Later, Pervez was going to win a pride of performance for his patriotic films, including a trilogy about the awakening of masses through the power of love: Anmol (1972), Dushman (1974) and Pehchan (1975). The second of these is also significant because a year before India discovered “the angry young man” in Deewar (1975), Pervez Malik created the icon here and articulated its social context with much more clarity and boldness than elsewhere.

Masroor Anwar, who wrote dialogue and lyrics, had received a fresh impetus from his work in the recent war. A fascinating aspect of the poetry of Armaan is that each song from this movie, although so moving as an expression of ordinary love, can also be interpreted as a national song. Consider, for instance, ‘Akele na jana’. The Ahmad Rushdi version is probably what every Pakistani may like to say to Pakistan: “Diya hosla jis nay jeenay ka hum ko….” (“You are a beautiful feeling that gave us courage to live. You are the certainty that never leaves the heart; you are the hope that lasts forever”). It should surprise no one that the same Masroor Anwar later gave such national songs like ‘Sohni Dharti’ and ‘Vatan ki Mitti Gawah Rehna’.

Sohail Rana, who gave music to Armaan, came from a literary family. His father, Rana Akbarabadi, was a renowned poet and had approved of his son’s passion only on condition that the talent should be used for perpetuating noble values. Sohail not only composed music for memorable national songs including ‘Apni jaan nazr karoon’, ‘Sohni Dharti’ and ‘Jeevay Pakistan’ but was also destined to set music to ‘Hum Mustafavi Hain’ by Jamiluddin Aali, which was adopted as the national anthem of the Islamic Summit Conference in 1974 (it retains that status and is played wherever the summit is held). In the 1970s and the 1980s, Sohail was best known to the youth in Pakistan through his popular television programs in which he taught music and good manners. Armaan, in a way, had started with him. One night in 1963 or 1964 he heard a melody in his dream. He woke up and wrote it down. The words that were given to it eventually were, “Akele na jana…” The rest is film history, though sadly unwritten for the most part.

True Mentors

2010-03-09T21:44:00.003+05:00

Mawlana Jalaluddin Rumi (1207-73) wrote about true mentors:

When you see two of them meet together as friends, they are one, and at the same time six hundred thousand. Their numbers are in the likeness of waves: the wind will have brought them into number. The Sun, which is the spirits, became separated in the windows, which are bodies. When you gaze on the Sun’s disk, it is itself one, but the one who is screened by the bodies is in some doubt. Separation is in the animal spirit, the human spirit is one essence.

Can we say this about Nezami Ganjavi and William Shakespeare, and perhaps also about Rumi, Goethe and Iqbal?

Bhittai: the Visionary

2010-03-07T21:48:00.007+05:00

The following article of mine was recently published in Dawn, Sunday, January 31, 2010. The illustration is from my friend Khudabux Abro, the renowned artist, and appeared in the print edition of the newspaper.

Some people say that he fell in love, left home, became a phenomenon and came back to marry the woman who had been refused to him earlier. There is no way of knowing whether the career of Shah Abdul Latif Bhittai of Sindh actually paralleled the Count of Monte Cristo so closely (and we need to be careful about apocryphal stories woven around the lives of great saints), but there are other testimonials to the warmth of the heart that throbbed in him.

The most astonishing is the way his work captured the spirit of a new age that was coming up not only in the Muslim world but also outside.

Bhittai was born in 1689 and died in 1752. This was when the Muslim world seemed to be awakening to the realisation that a universal ideal could be manifest in regional forms. Hence Abdul Wahhab in Hejaz set out to distinguish between the crux of Islam and historical accretion while Shah Waliullah of Delhi taught that the traditional model of Islam was an application of its ideals in the context of the seventh century Arabia and many other applications were possible in other contexts. Surprisingly, the new ideals that started developing in Europe around this time also converged on regional states.

The only poet from that period whose work may be said to represent all possible facets of this new life on behalf of everyone was Bhittai. If the works of earlier Sufi poets from any region were translated into another language they would all sound the same, but the work of Bhittai could not lose its local reference in any translation. Yet, it could not be said to be lacking in what was embodied in all others.

This was something which, interestingly, would become increasingly pronounced in subsequent popular writers of Muslim India such as Waris Shah, Mir Taqi Mir, Sachal Sarmast, Mir Amman, Mirza Ghalib, Bahadur Shah Zafar, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, Iqbal and so on. In this string, the poetry of Bhittai serves as the first practical demonstration of the fact that a universal vision could manifest in regional form — or “think global and act local,” as the environmentalists were going to declare much later.

How world class poets receive their inspiration is still a mystery, but most Sufi poets who cared for the feedback of their audiences (unlike the proponents of “high literature” in our times) used certain common symbols, metaphors, patterns and designs within designs — mise en abyme — in their work. One such pattern was the Five Divine Presences. Another was the “seven stages” which may have been originally derived from the seven verses of the first chapter of Quran but subsequently it became the framework for strings of seven stories in The Seven Beauties by Nezami Ganjavi and The Seven Thrones by Abdul Rahman Jami, and the seven valleys in The Conference of the Birds by Sheikh Fariduddin Attar, the seven destinations in the celestial journey of Iqbal in Javidnama, the seven lectures in The Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam by the same thinker and some products of subsequent mainstream Pakistani culture.

In the work of Bhittai, these stages find expression through his famous heroines. Orientalists have observed that the succession of Sohni, Sassi, Leelan, Moomal, Marui, Noori and Sorath represent the seven stages of the soul. The journey begins with the breaking of the pot which carries Sohni across the river but also brings her back after each meeting with the beloved, and therefore it must break — and she must drown — if she has to be united with him forever.
Subsequently, Sassi learns the unity of creation, Leelan finds out that Truth is a jealous beloved, Princess Moomal has to be won through dangerous tests of ingenuity and resilience, Marui must defy oppression, Noori should remember her roots and Sorath must die on the funeral pyre from where her lover will come back like phoenix rising from the ashes.

Indeed, quite an apt allegory, and Bhittai’s speciality is that he doesn’t narrate complete stories but offers dramatic monologues highlighting the lessons to be learnt at each stage.

What has been generally overlooked by the Orientalists is that the journey can be seen to represent more than the development of an individual. The great Sufi secret that has been lost in our age was that the development of an individual is not different from the journey of the entire humanity from Creation to Judgment Day, and the same process is being repeated in the lives of societies.

In the light of Iqbal’s Javidnama, parallels can be drawn between Bhittai’s heroines and the history of ancient civilisations: Sohni (the Age of Adam), Sassi (the Age of Noah), Leelan (the Age of Abraham), Moomal (the Age of Moses), Marui (the Age of Zulqarnayn), Noori (the Age of Jesus Christ) and Sorath (the Age of Islam).

The crux is that we cannot always adjust history to our personal experiences. We also need to place ourselves in the larger context and make readjustments in ourselves. That cannot be extremely pleasant because we are pitted against personal insecurities at the very first step.
The mandate of poets like Bhittai is to make it pleasant and painless, not only for a few well-read listeners but for everyone. They help everyone come out of their shells, acquire genuine self-worth and join hands in giving birth to new civilisations.

If Pakistan is the catalyst for a process through which “Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense… but in the political sense as citizens of the State,” then there is no reason for dislocating Bhittai from the history of his region, as so many scholars have been doing so far.

Not only does his message seem to portray what Pakistan truly means to the masses, but Bhittai also seems to be the point from where the course of history turned in this direction. Thus, he stands out as the man who “lifted a civilisation out of one groove and set it in another… Nothing could again be as it had been.”

The Birth of Shia-Sunni Unity

2010-02-05T21:29:00.005+05:00

The crowd that had gathered in Shah Bagh, Dacca (British India) that winter morning was the largest gathering of Indian Muslims in the memory of anyone living in 1906. It was the twentieth annual session of Mohammedan Educational Conference.

A miracle happened. The Indian Muslim community included the largest number of Sunnis anywhere in the world. On that winter morning of December 30, 1906, it formed a political party in which Shias and Sunni came together without the slightest friction. It was called the All-India Muslim League. Aga Khan III, the spiritual leader of the Ismaili Shia sect was elected the president a year later. Welcome to the Valley of Love.

The birth of Muslim League in 1906 was the first time in the entire history of Islam that the largest Sunni community elected an Ismaili to be its president (the last time Muslims came anywhere close to this was in the days of the Umayyid Caliph Omar bin Abdul Aziz in 717 AD, and it was short-lived).

This newborn unity was taken to unprecedented heights in the next few decades. It reached the highest point in the 1940s when the same community of Indian Muslims, which included the largest numbers of Sunni anywhere in the world, declared a born Shia to be its “Quaid-i-Azam”, or great leader. Beyond the Western borders of the sub-continent, the largest Shia state of the world, Iran, was going to declare a Sunni poet, Iqbal, as its spiritual inspiration (“The present times are the Age of Iqbal,” the Iranian Poet-Laureatte Bihar declared not long afterwards).

A Student's Reflections on the Valley of Wonderment

2010-02-03T01:37:00.010+05:00

The following is part of an email I received from a young student on my post 'The Valley of Wonderment, 1987-2006'. I am sharing it here, and shall soon try to answer the two questions asked at the end of this excerpt:

As you say that the bookstores, libraries and cinema houses were fast vanishing when our collective life started to live in the Valley of Wonderment (1987-2006), which left the young minds of Pakistan in bewilderment. Their questions were left unanswered. Though if there had been some efficient means of bringing them closer to the literature Pakistan have produced, the films we have made and the messages our heroes have tried to convey through them, they certainly could have found the answers they were looking for. Also being in this ‘Valley’ the youngsters probably had little choice as to whom shall they make their role-models. Patriotism and positive thinking was there, but it had no direction to follow (as you quoted "they are in love but do not know with whom").

Yes, there was a time when all I knew about myself or the world was what others told me. My life was hollow and I had no solid reason to live, and consequently had no idea how shall a life be spent. Be it politics, philosophy, human behavior, arts or religion, my thoughts about life were quite superficial, dealing only with the surface, never looking for anything deeper inside. This was the time I stayed in the ‘Valley’ and although my efforts had no specific direction at that time, still it turned out to be fruitful as I was able to observe people and histories at that time which acted as a base for my future ideas and thoughts.

And now you have made me believe that every person has to pass through this stage. Perhaps it is some sort of a ‘grounding stage’ and sort of compulsory as well.

If yes, then that means that it had to be a part of our history, so that we can ask as much questions as we can, collect material which can help us fight our doubts and also in our future journey. I have always heard praises of the 20 years you have termed as the Valley of Wonderment, that there was peace all across the country, we had fewer problems and things were calm, and nowadays there is unrest everywhere, also in the heart of every Pakistani. From youngsters to their parents, from established businessmen to working class, everyone is in a strange quest. And now I feel that the ‘calmness’ of that time can be termed as ‘a collective slumber’ which ended to bring this ‘activity’ and ‘hustle and bustle’ of life. Today nearly all of us feel a need to change and revolve, although every single human being evolves in a different way, and we need to merge all the different frequencies of change in one wave of revolution.

Although I myself have not seen the James Bond film you are talking about, still I can notice the close link it has with the Pakistani public. And also ‘Living on the edge is the only way Pakistan lives’ is so true a statement! Living on the edge gives us strength and it prepares us for future, just like mechanism of immunity prepares antibodies for future use.

Now my questions to you are:

Am I right in saying that Valley of Wonderment provided a grounding stage for us as a nation, and no matter what, every great nation has to experience it?
Also, I have seen many people full of patriotism and good feelings for Pakistan but they hardly perceive depths regarding many issues faced by our country. So it can be said that they are on the right track but they still have to pass the ‘grounding stage’ and have to focus their energies more precisely?